So far is India is concerned, the concept of caste system is the creation of ancient Indian Vedic society. The Vedic society was divided into two periods- the early or Rid Vedic and the later Vedic society i.e. at the time of other 3 Vedas, Yajur, Sama, and Atharva Vedas. So during the time of Rig Veda, which composed of the early Vedic civilization, society at that time in India was not divided into various castes. At that time Society was normally divided into 4 groups or classes in order to perform the works of the society in a better manner. For example if one person is quite competent in the task of weaving, then that person will become a weaver. Now the priests were computed enough to continue with learning of the religious scriptures or say the other activities which is related to the intellectual ability of any person. He was regarded as a person who would continue the learning method and process that is he would be a learner in scholarly activities and he would become a teacher imparting education. So the intellectual faculty was under his control. He was regarded as a “Brahmin”. One person, if he had the competence to become a trader or a businessman he could follow that pursuit or profession. He was regarded as a “Vaishya”. If any person had the capability of might, ability and strength he could take the task of the defence of the country and would be regarded as a “Kshatriya” and those who could perform the task of art and labours were “Shudras”.So this was the categorisation of various professions according to the ability or choice of a particular person which prevailed in the early Vedic period. But, however as the time went by caste system became rigid and permanent and it began to be decided by birth and not by profession.
So, now the question arises is the caste system is withering away with time? Under the impact of socio-economic changes and political democracy caste system is changing in its cultural aspects such as hierarchy, pollution and purity, and doctrines of karma and dharma and structural aspects which includes established pattern of inter caste relationships such as endogamy, restrictions on interlining and other forms of social relationship and unequal distribution of power. In the traditional society ritual purity, rather than the economic criteria, determined the rank of each group. In the modern context the ritual dimension has been considerably eroded and the significance of the secular dimension, with which power and wealth are associated, has certainly increased. Today’s symbols of status are modern occupation, education, income, wealth and political power. Prof. D. N. Mazumdar says “The new trend in caste dynamics today is a concerted effort on the part of the backward and underprivileged castes to rearrange them on a horizontal plane instead of pressing their claims for accommodation in the hierarchical ladder.” The cultural and social distances among jatis are being reduced as there has been a shift away from traditional symbols to modern political and technological symbols of status. Under-privileged and socially backward groups at every level of society have now entered the political arena as they had never been able to do before. Mobility efforts have now been increasingly related to political participation in the district, state and national politics. Shifts in the traditional power structure have occurred in the local district and state levels.
Despite these changes and the constitutional abolition of all caste distinctions, the caste system exists and shows no sign of dying. There are several reasons. First, the dominance of power of one caste over another is a crucial factor in the continuance of the system. In the countryside the dominant castes, not necessarily higher castes, by virtue of their control of land such as the primary productive asset and capital enjoy real power and influence. Social disparities between them and the other half of the rural population, the lower castes mostly share-croppers and agricultural labourers remain powerless and without influence. The latter are dependent on the former for secured employment and financial borrowing in times of distress. There are millions of village households who live in debt bondage. Opportunities for them to change occupation are small in most villages. The patron-client relationship enables the dominant castes to mobilise the lower castes in their factional feuds in the villages or in their competitive struggle for political power. In many areas the lower castes vote for the dominant caste nominee either through a mixture of fear, traditional subservience or ignorance. If the lower castes appear to want to exercise their own choice of candidate, the dominant castes do not hesitate to use violent coercion (e.g. in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar political booth capturing or preventing the Dalit’s from casting their votes or manipulating the votes have been common occurrence during general and local elections).
The fact is that the creation of new political opportunities and new bases of power have enabled the dominant castes or caste community to develop at the regional level in particular, “patronage-client networks” based on traditional loyalties. In most states (except West Bengal) several castes are constantly fighting for power and people are mobilised by using the caste idiom. Thus increased politicisation of castes has given a new lease of life, as Srinivas pointed out to castes. There are castes and various sub-caste groups in virtually every state political party organisation (except the communist parties), legislative assembly and government ministry. Inter-jati conflict is a major component of politics in most states. Large agglomeration of caste groups like Jats, Yadavas, Ahirs. Rajputs and Okkaligas play a vital role in politics, and through politics, in the allocation of resources and distribution of benefits to followers. Increased politicisation of castes has largely led to the displacement from state legislative assemblies’ reformers who represented modern values by representatives of jatis and their values. In general, the modus operandi of jatis has been neither to force change nor to oppose change beyond self-interest but rather to accommodate it. Profit from it or make the best of it, endure.
The second factor contributing to increased caste consciousness and caste-based identity of the people is the reservation policy which emphasises not the individuality of an Indian citizen but his caste identity. Caste quotas are adjusted and are readjusted through intense political bargaining in a language which implicitly assumes that castes and not just individuals have claims. In the traditional Indian society the rights and obligations of an individual were to some extent defined by caste. The system of quotas has strengthened the belief that every caste or group of castes should have a share to the nation’s cake. Caste which is about collective identity is thus strengthened.
Thirdly, though modern occupations have expanded only a minority of people have employment in areas where equality of opportunity is expected to work. The various castes, particularly Scheduled Castes, are very thinly represented in the higher administrative and managerial occupations in proportion to their numbers in the total population. Any radical change in this respect depends on two things : one, greater use of the facilities of education provided to them; and two, radical change of traditional attitudes regarding purity and pollution among the upper castes who dominate higher occupations. Moreover, caste associations represent their members’ political and economic concerns and to that extent they enhance caste-consciousness. The formation, fragmentation and reformation of associations of jatis, jati-segments and jati alliances all over India tend to perpetuate caste distinctions.
Fourth, the political system is dominated by a kaleidoscopic coalition of the elites belonging to all sections and the same pattern prevails in all political parties. In each of these groups whether, for example, Brahman, Jat, Rajput, Yadav, Muslim or Scheduled Caste, there is a critical elite which is posing as spokesman of its respective constituency. In some instances they mean to do something for their constituency: but things often cannot be done. The reason is that power relations, despite the minor changes, have substantially reinforced traditional power alignments, partially against the poor and underprivileged.
Fifth, caste is more than a system, as Lannoy puts it: it is a state of mind. The psychology of the vast majority of Hindus is still fundamentally a caste psychology Indeed hierarchy and caste form part of the unconscious psychological element of the Hindu. Very few Hindus are found to carry out their social and political duties and relationships in a spirit of secularism and egalitarianism. Those who strive for social mobility do not challenge the hierarchical frame but believe rather that they are only trying to restore their proper place within it. Those who oppose them believe that the climbers are trying to alter ordained order of society. The caste system is characterised by the dominance of the religious order over the secular. To reverse this order a fundamental change of the value system which legitimates the caste system is required.
Sixth, endogamy, the formidable pillar which has sustained the caste structure, has remained almost unshaken. Inter-caste marriages are few. Even when inter-marriages do take place across castes, the barrier of untouchability is rarely crossed. Indeed, it continues to restrict intermarriage even after conversion to Christianity. The jati continues to be the principal unit of endogamy, an essential attribute of identity. a common locus for interaction.
To conclude, socio-economic changes and political democracy have profoundly affected the caste system. The caste system is changing but it persists and shows no sign of dying.
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