Citation
Nwokoroeze, C. N. (2026). Examining the Role of the AU in Combating Xenophobia in Africa. International Journal for Social Studies, 12(1), 24–35. https://doi.org/10.26643/ijss/2
Nwokoroeze, Chinonye Nnenna
Department of Political Science,
Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Enugu State University of Science and Technology, Agbani Email: chinonye.nwokoroeze@esut.edu.ng
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0008-0449-9036
Abstract
The AU goal of a cohesive and integrated continent is greatly impeded by xenophobia. Xenophobic views and violent crimes remain in many African countries, harming social cohesiveness, socioeconomic stability, and continental integration despite the AU’s efforts to promote unity. The results illustrate how xenophobia effects a number of socioeconomic aspects, such as work, education, and resource accessibility for both African migrants and host communities. Migrants, generally considered as economic threats, face exclusion from labour opportunities and critical utilities, resulting to ruined livelihoods and repeated cycles of poverty. Despite the AU’s stated opposition to xenophobic violence and support for protective regulations, critics contend that its policies lack enforcement and proactive steps to prevent xenophobia at its root. The study’s findings demonstrate that xenophobia continues to be a major hurdle to the African Union’s aim of a united and prosperous continent. To foster long-lasting unity, the AU must reaffirm its commitment to inclusivity and cooperation among member states. It is therefore recommended that the AU and its member states implement educational campaigns promoting Pan-Africanism and the economic contributions of migrants to reshape public perceptions, strengthen anti-discrimination laws, and enhance border and migration policies that would facilitate smoother integration and reduce community tensions.
Keywords: AU, African mobility, Migrants, Violence, Xenophobia
Introduction
The AU has been engaged in regional integration for decades via regional strategic visions and policy frameworks. Bilal (2016) pointed out that after decades of policy frameworks and academic discussion on African governance, the objective of African integration remains unattainable. This is a result of neo-colonialism, political instability, weak political leadership, xenophobic or Afrophobic acts and policies, uneven integration efforts, and the general failure of true integration on the continent. Onditi (2021) underlined that xenophobia affects trade, politics, security, and cultural exchanges, rendering it Africa’s most major integration obstacle. Okem, Asuelime, and Adekoye (2015) argued that African leaders have yet to identify and address the damaging impact of xenophobia on Africa’s integration trajectory. Ottuh (2020) says this is accurate since xenophobic violence also damages local native people who are mistakenly thought to be “foreign” or from another nation. Durokifa and Ijeoma (2017) claim that xenophobia has happened in Africa at numerous intervals, obvious through attacks, harassment, and prejudice directed toward immigrants in South Africa, Nigeria, Ghana, Zambia, Kenya, Zimbabwe, and Egypt. In Egypt, xenophobia targeted refugees, asylum seekers, and other migrants originating from Sub-Saharan Africa. Xenophobic violence has also hurt Somali immigrants and communities in Kenya. Piracy and terrorism in Kenya made Somali immigrants and natives prejudiced and violate other people’s rights as they were perceived to be pirates and terrorists (Human Rights Watch, 2014). When Kwame Nkrumah was thrown out, Ghana became increasingly xenophobic. Kofi Busia’s new government kicked out immigrants from Nigeria and Burkina Faso and put them in deplorable conditions due of the severe Aliens Compliance Order. Hundreds of Ghanaians were transported back to Ghana from Nigeria in the early 1980s because of this (Ucham, 2014). In 2019, some South Africans attacked, killed, robbed, or stole from foreign citizens, especially from Nigeria and other African nations, because they thought they were damaging their jobs and the economy (Ezeji & Mbagwu, 2020).Ottuh (2020) states that apartheid and colonialism were two of the social issues that Africa confronted in the late 20th century. To address these issues, they employed a “integrative approach.” Sadly, the dissolution of African states is being made worse by violence against other Africans that is rooted on hatred for foreigners. This violence is prompted by people’s discontent over how things are being handled. In light of the aforementioned circumstances, the AU ought to confront the escalation of xenophobic crimes in Africa to create continental unity. The AU and intellectuals both speak out against racism, although there are moments when xenophobic events occurs in Africa. They also haven’t been able to cope with how xenophobia damages Africa’s overall economic and social freedom.
AU Initiatives on Xenophobia
The African Union’s (AU) goal of a unified and integrated Africa is significantly hampered by xenophobia. Xenophobic violence is viewed by the African Union, an organization dedicated to promoting peace, security, and socioeconomic integration across the continent, as a direct attack on its fundamental principles of unity and solidarity among African nations. Xenophobia limits the free movement of people, labour, and goods, impeding the AU’s aspirations of economic cooperation and integration as envisioned in Agenda 2063 (Ndaba, 2023). The challenge of attaining these integration aims in the face of xenophobic beliefs has been underlined by incidences of anti-immigrant violence, especially in nations grappling with significant levels of unemployment and economic inequity (Massay & Susan, 2023). AU has regularly condemned xenophobic crimes, including pronouncements that urge on member states to protect foreign nationals and reject acts of violence against immigrants. In rare instances, AU delegates have travelled to affected nations in an effort to foster dialogue and collaboration with local authorities over the most effective ways to protect migrant rights and safety. The African Union has also underlined that xenophobia runs opposed to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which demands the protection of all Africans, regardless of nationality (Makaya, 2023). However, sceptics claim that these measures have largely been flimsy and reactive, with the AU reacting to individual violent incidences rather than putting long-term strategies in place to deal with the core reasons of xenophobia (Olofinbiyi, 2022).One of the issues the AU has in addressing xenophobia is its lack of enforcement resources. The AU can suggest and encourage member states to establish anti-xenophobia policies, but it lacks the capacity to impose legally binding judgements (Makaya, 2023). As a result, many governments may fail to take serious action against xenophobia, especially when it encompasses politically sensitive themes such to unemployment, public resources, or immigration (John-Langba, 2022). To reinforce its position, the AU should consider adopting more rigorous frameworks that enable it to monitor and review member states’ compliance with anti-xenophobia laws. For instance, an independent monitoring agency may be established to catalogue xenophobic events across the continent, holding governments accountable when they fail to secure refugees.Furthermore, there is an urgent need for targeted action plans to counter xenophobia even as frameworks like the African Charter and the AU’s Migration Policy Framework encourage inclusive policies and human rights. These initiatives should describe preventative steps, including education programs targeted at strengthening Pan-African solidarity and eradicating detrimental misconceptions about immigration. Furthermore, Gächter (2022) argues that the AU can press member states to develop legislative protections for migrants, such as anti-discrimination statutes that relate directly to xenophobic behaviour, insuring that violators suffer sufficient punishments. In the long run, improved mechanisms—such as monitoring systems, economic incentives for member states that support anti-xenophobia measures, and tighter migration policies—could assist boost the AU’s efforts and affirm its commitment to African unity.
Impact of xenophobia in Africa
Xenophobia has had major socio-economic implications across Africa. It has sparked conflicts amongst African countries and has the potential to further isolate them if left ignored. According to Mkhize (2019), Zambia took a stand by postponing a planned friendly football game with South Africa in Lusaka following the racist attacks on immigrants in 2019. Madagascar promptly came in to replace Zambia but later withdrew over same grounds. Hot FM, a popular local radio station, announced that it will stop playing South African music until further notice, and Zambian student protestors staged a rally that resulted in the closure of commercial hubs in the capital (Mkhize, 2019). The relationship between these nations is badly impacted by this trend, which also has economic repercussions.During demonstrations in Lubumbashi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), demonstrators looted South African-owned companies and broke the windows of the South African embassy (Mkhize, 2019). Meanwhile, after then-foreign minister Geoffrey Onyeama expressed strong emotional disapproval, the Nigerian government withdrew from the 2019 World Economic Forum in Cape Town. Additionally, the Nigerian government called back its high commissioner in South Africa (Durokifa & Ijeoma, 2017). Prominent Nigerian musician Tiwa Savage cancelled her gig in South Africa in protest, while Adams Oshiomhole, then-national chairman of Nigeria’s ruling All Progressives Congress, called for a boycott of South African goods and services. He also threatened to nationalise South African-owned companies like MTN and revoke landing privileges for South African Airways until the xenophobic violence ceased. “Nigeria needs to show that we are not chickens to be molested” was his response (Durokifa & Ijeoma, 2017). The economic devastation during this period was severe.Xenophobic ideologies often perceive immigration as a risk to local economic stability. According to Szaflarski and Bauldry (2019), this approach results in discrimination in the workplace, as migrants are either refused employment possibilities or compelled to work in informal or precarious occupations with minimal job security or legal protection. According to the International Organisation for Migration (IOM, 2001) in countries where xenophobia is prevalent, migrant workers are often blamed for high unemployment rates or declining wages, despite evidence that they contribute positively to the economy by creating jobs and supporting businesses. Xenophobic violence, such as the targeting of migrant-owned companies, exacerbates these difficulties. Okunade and Awosusi (2023) discovered that when stores and institutions held by migrants are damaged or stolen, the subsequent economic disturbance radiates across local economies, harming both the migrants and the local population. Because enterprises are forced to close and economic activity slows down, this not only results in the loss of livelihoods but also badly influences the general economic health of the affected areas. Addressing these socio-economic aspects of xenophobia is vital for fostering more integration and unity among African states.
The conceptual picture of xenophobia
In Africa, prejudiced beliefs and actions directed towards foreigners, especially immigrants, refugees, and non-citizens, are referred to as xenophobia. According to Marumo, Chakale, and Mothelesi (2019), it occurs when people are shunned, rejected, and demonised because of their perceived differences from the local population or their foreignness. Okem, Asuelime, and Adekoye (2015) state that xenophobia is typified by anti-foreign attitudes, a pervasive hate of other countries, an irrational fear of foreigners, and an excessive dependence on strong nationalism. Akinola (2017) defines xenophobia as acts of discrimination against those who are perceived as outsiders or different from those who are thought to be the original occupiers or citizens of a certain location or political system.According to Adeola (2015), xenophobia has been a persistent problem in the African environment, with its roots in hostile attitudes, discriminating language, and violent acts against immigrants from surrounding nations. Particularly in areas where immigrants are perceived as a threat to the social or economic well-being of the native population, these beliefs often result in widespread hostility, violent attacks, and the expulsion of foreigners. Everatt (2011) believes that historical bloodshed, township competition, tremendous structural economic and social disparities, bad housing, and the exploitation of cheap labour are the key reasons of xenophobia in Africa. Akinola (2020) points out that the failure of regional institutions like the African Union (AU), poor political governance, and political instability exacerbate xenophobic sentiments.Several studies have linked xenophobia in Africa to various historical and economic contexts. One well-known instance of xenophobic policies is the conflict between Ghana and Nigeria in the 1960s. The “Alien Compliance Order” was issued in 1969 by Ghana’s then-prime minister, Kofi Abrefa Busia, with the purpose of driving out illegal immigrants, especially in light of the country’s economic collapse following political upheaval following Dr. Kwame Nkrumah’s resignation. Immigrants, particularly Nigerians, were scapegoated for the country’s economic troubles. Brobbey (2018) highlights that the widespread hatred toward migrants in Ghana was motivated by economic concerns, such as the notion that foreigners were taking over local enterprises. Similar to this, Nigeria deported approximately two million migrants in 1983—mostly Ghanaians—in reaction to political and economic issues. The “Ghana Must Go” campaign, which related to the large deportation of Ghanaians from Nigeria and the attacks on Nigerians in Ghana, called attention to the long-lasting antagonism between the two countries.The deportation of Asian migrants from Uganda in 1972 under Idi Amin’s dictatorship and the 1978 expulsion of Beninese nationals from Gabon are more examples of xenophobic actions with economic underpinnings (Paalo, Adu-Gyamfi & Arthur, 2022). Similarly, in Ivory Coast, the institutionalisation of “Ivorian identity” in the 1980s, driven by tensions between indigenous Ivorian farmers and Burkinabe migrants, led to the deportation of around 12,000 Burkinabes (Wiafe-Amoako, 2015). According to Adebajor (2011), the belief that DRC citizens were misusing Angola’s natural resources contributed to their deportation.In South Africa, xenophobia has garnered the highest academic interest. The country’s history of colonialism and apartheid has tremendously shaped modern xenophobic sentiments. Landau, Ramjathan-Keogh, and Singh (2005) suggest that large-scale immigration from other African nations, together with South Africa’s tough history, has contributed to the spike in xenophobic violence. Millions of South Africans were herded into ethnically split townships by the Apartheid-era Group Areas Act, which fostered racial and ethnic tensions that today show up in xenophobic violence against African migrants. Concerns about economic competition and the belief that foreigners were taking jobs and depleting public resources led black South Africans to start using violence against black non-natives when apartheid ended (Steenkamp, 2009).Xenophobia in South Africa, as in other African countries, is caused by a combination of economic and societal forces. Steenkamp (2009) adds that economic competitiveness, the notion that foreigners are criminals or burdens on the economy, and the demand on public services have been important causes of xenophobic beliefs. For instance, during the 2008 xenophobic attacks, nearly 60 foreign nationals, including Zimbabweans, Mozambicans, Somalis, and Ghanaians, were slaughtered in violent assaults (Kersting, 2009). Swaziland, Lesotho, and Botswana migrants in South Africa frequently confront less hatred compared to migrants from Zimbabwe or Mozambique, due to the latter’s perceived competition for resources (Steenkamp, 2009).While economic concerns, such as unemployment and underdevelopment, are often highlighted as important contributing causes to xenophobia in Africa, Steenkamp (2009) believes that migrants are often viewed as scapegoats for deeper structural problems generated by inadequate governance. The demonisation of foreigners as the root of social problems may result from national complaints about bad economic management and governance. Beyond the economic cause, additional aspects could create xenophobia. For example, Bordeau (2010) says that prejudices against foreigners—what he calls “Afrophobia”—usually stem from views that immigrants are to blame for social ills including the development of sickness, criminality, and job theft. According to Adeola (2015), sensationalist reporting in the media contributes significantly to the spread of xenophobia by creating negative feelings toward immigrants. Media coverage in South Africa, Ghana, and Nigeria, for instance, occasionally perpetuates misconceptions about migrants, making them targets of public resentment.Adeola (2015) asserts that colonial legacies continue to influence xenophobia in Africa. The “foreign/other” dichotomy is maintained by phoney national identities that have been developed as a result of colonial powers’ artificial borders. Kersting (2009) concurs, pointing out that nationalism, bolstered by colonial restraints, has often blocked other socioeconomic groups from receiving state resources, which is then utilised as a basis for xenophobic attitudes. In conclusion, even while economic problems like underdevelopment and unemployment are still important, other social, political, and historical causes also play a major role in the continuance of xenophobia in Africa. The media’s role, colonialism’s legacy, and the current issues of state governance all contribute immensely to the xenophobic views that still obstruct African unity and integration.
Conclusion
Africa’s unity, shared integration vision, and financial stability remain seriously threatened by xenophobia. Coordinated action against xenophobia is necessary and urgent for the African Union (AU) and its member states, not only to maintain the rights and dignity of African migrants but also to satisfy the continent’s wider goals of unity and sustainable development. The AU can contribute to the creation of an Africa where national boundaries operate as bridges rather than obstacles to African unity by implementing audacious, inclusive policies that promote tolerance and respect for one another.To establish a united, inclusive Africa, the AU’s commitment to fighting xenophobia must extend beyond policy declarations to genuine, enforceable measures. This requires improving social and economic possibilities for both migrants and host communities, establishing protective frameworks, and promoting a collective sense of Africa’s shared identity and interdependence. These tactics will help eliminate the situations that give rise to xenophobic emotions and replace them with chances for collaboration, reciprocity, and growth. The integration, peace, and prosperity promised in Agenda 2063 are on the horizon for an Africa free of xenophobia. A future where xenophobia no longer stands in the way of Africa’s integration will be shaped by the AU’s leadership and unwavering dedication. By emphasising the security of all Africans, regardless of ethnicity, and assuring that xenophobia has no place in the sociopolitical atmosphere of the continent, the AU can establish the framework for a truly robust and cohesive Africa.
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