Abstract

The spread of the COVID-19 has proved deadly, and this is a challenging time for every single person belonging to any field or any background whether the person is a medical professional or a daily wage worker. Journalism has a great role to play in a democracy, as it has been ideally visualised as a platform for objective information and critical-rational discourse. Thus, the health of journalism in a country can be examined in the times of a crisis. Media is playing an important role in the COVID-19 response, even as it poses challenges to the industry. For the media sector, coronavirus creates both opportunities and challenges. Today, social media such as Twitter, Facebook and Instagram, have become primary sources of information. They are also vehicles for fake news and disinformation. Mitigating the advent of rumours and misinformation during the COVID-19 epidemic is crucial, since misinformation and fake news creates panic, fear and anxiety among people, predisposing them to various mental health conditions.

Introduction

The COVID-19 pandemic can be considered unique. With large portions of the public staying home amidst the COVID-19 pandemic to help stem the spread of the virus, people have few options but to rely even more heavily on media and media technologies to keep updated and stay connected. Mass media and social media platforms played a crucial role in providing information regarding the Coronavirus. In the face of COVID-19, media is a great way for individuals and communities to stay connected even while physically separated. Since little is known about the novel Coronavirus, it is essential to provide the correct information obtained from an authentic source. It is difficult to collect the current data of the affected, recovered and casualties, for, the rapidly changing data on Coronavirus. It is reported that the elderly and immune compromised individuals are more at risk for COVID-19 infection. Social media is one of the primary source proliferating the information regarding the virus The major drawback of social media amid a problematic situation as COVID-19 pandemic is that social media has been conveniently used as an approach to convey misinformation and fake news . After the advent of social networking platforms such as Twitter, Facebook and YouTube, the information transmission in disaster contexts has increased globally at various levels. These misinformation’s need attention for enhancing sentiment awareness, improving emergency responses and supporting decision making.

Influence of Media and Its loop holes in the time of Crisis

Mass media have long been regarded as critical sources of public perceptions of risk. Through the media, people are acknowledged as a chance that offers the risk warnings and interprets the risk issues regarding the pandemic. The information regarding risk is presented in a manner that influences people’s perception of risk, especially sensational media reporting of a pandemic crisis. The politicization of this outbreak has been another difficult aspect today. Fundamentally, for many journalists, political motive is an important part of their job, with the aim of the media being to hold governments and governing bodies to account. Journalism is considered to be an ethical communicative practice in a democracy, but corporate ownership subverts the autonomy of journalism and the freedom of the press. Unfortunately, this conflict of interest has become a common feature of Indian journalism. The sudden announcement of the lockdown which gave people barely four hours of advance were notice created a nationwide panic, and the migrant labourers the worst affected. In the absence of work and other support in the cities, thousands of labourers and their families desperately wanted to go back to their homes. With no transportation available, many began the arduous journey on foot, and many were subjected to police brutality along the way, and some have died on the road back home. The lockdown, thus, was worse than COVID-19 for the homeless and the poor. While a few in the media made visible their plight, a particular kind of media coverage and projection also led to the middle class blaming migrants for their “irresponsible behaviour” during the pandemic. Media’s ugliest moment however, the media outrage that followed was clearly an extension of the already prejudiced and polarised coverage, as the Tablighi Jamaat was blamed for violating lockdown rules and for “corona jihad,” “Islamic insurrection,” and “corona terrorism.” Even as details about the congregation emerged on national news, #Corona_Jihad, #Nizamuddin_Idiots, #Covid-786 (a number that carries religious meaning for Muslims), began trending.

The coverage of the public-health crisis by these organisations contained little mention of the poor planning and disastrous implementation of the lockdown, or the government’s failure to prepare for the pandemic.

Conclusion

For the current COVID-19 pandemic, the development of a real-time information sharing system is must, which analyses the data from a variety of social media platforms in several languages globally. Strengthening the capacity of risk communication is an essential component of global efforts to enhance global health security. This period should encourage us to draw lessons about the way the world works and changes, about social relations, about the importance of public services and access to information. Our media contribute to the international reflection and debate needed to build the post-pandemic future and make the most of it. The Government bodies and public health care authorities should utilize the media in teaching awareness among the people and narrowing panic.

A principal weapon in sustaining the low status of Dalits in India is the use of social and economic boycotts and acts of retaliatory violence. Dalits are physically abused and threatened with economic and social ostracism from the community for refusing to carry out various caste-based tasks. Any attempt to alter village customs, defy the social order, or to demand land, increased wages, or political rights leads to violence and economic retaliation on the part of those most threatened by changes in the status quo.

Dalit communities as a whole are summarily punished for individual transgressions; Dalits are cut off from community land and employment during social boycotts, Dalit women bear the brunt of physical attacks, and the law is rarely enforced.

“Stronger than lover’s love is lover’s hate. Incurable, in each, the wounds they make.”

― Euripides

Since the early 1990s, violence against Dalits has escalated dramatically in response to growing Dalit rights movements. Between 1995 and 1997, a total of 90,925 cases were registered with the police nationwide as crimes and “atrocities” against scheduled castes. Of these 1,617 were for murder, 12,591 for hurt, 2,824 for rape, and 31,376 for offenses listed under the Prevention of Atrocities Act. Given that Dalits are often both reluctant and unable (for lack of police cooperation) to report crimes against themselves, the actual number of abuses is presumably much higher.

India’s National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes has reported that these cases typically fall into one of three categories: cases relating to the practice of “untouchability” and attempts to defy the social order; cases relating to land disputes and demands for minimum wages; and cases of atrocities by police and forest officials. Most of the conflicts take place within very narrow segments of the caste hierarchy, between the poor and the not so poor, the landless laborer and the marginal landowner. The differences lie in the considerable amount of leverage that the higher-caste Hindus or non-Dalits are able to wield over local police, district administrations, and even state governments.

On the night of December 1, 1997,

An upper-caste landlord militia called the Ranvir Sena shot dead sixteen children, twenty-seven women, and eighteen men in the village of Laxmanpur-Bathe, Jehanabad district Bihar. Five teenage girls were raped and mutilated before being shot in the chest. The villagers were alleged to have been sympathetic to a guerilla group known as Naxalites that had been demanding more equitable land redistribution in the area. When asked why the sena killed children and women, one sena member told Human Rights Watch, “We kill children because they will grow up to become Naxalites. We kill women because they will give birth to Naxalites.”

“Wise men are not pacifists; they are merely less likely to jump up and retaliate against their antagonizers. They know that needless antagonizers are virtually already insecure enough.”

 

― Criss Jami

The senas, which claim many politicians as members, operate with virtual impunity. In some cases, police have accompanied them on raids and have stood by as they killed villagers and burned down their homes. On April 10, 1997, in the village of Ekwari, located in the Bhojpur district of Bihar, police stationed in the area to protect lower-caste villagers instead pried open the doors of their residences as members of the sena entered and killed eight residents. In other cases, police raids have followed attacks by the senas. Sena leaders are rarely prosecuted for such killings, and the villagers are rarely or inadequately compensated for their losses. Even in cases where police are not hostile to Dalits, they are generally not accessible to call upon: most police camps are located in the upper-caste section of the village and Dalits are simply unable to approach them for protection.

“Vengeance, retaliation, retribution, revenge are deceitful brothers—vile, beguiling demons promising justifiable compensation to a pained soul for his losses. Yet in truth they craftily fester away all else of worth remaining.”

― Richelle E. Goodrich.

Indian education system has always been about making the students excel in their academic path. The best way for which is making the students disciplined. The act of making them disciplined has been a part of Indian educational system since time immemorial. Quite often in such an endeavour it involves a teacher beating the student as a form of punishment known as corporal punishment which can be either physically or mentally, a practice which had been followed and was normalized and in fact was even endorsed by many schools and hostels. It wasn’t until the NCPR survey in 2009- 10 which reviewed that the use of physical punishments was rampant in Indian schools and as brutal as cane beatings were a common practice being inflicted upon young students. Even though there is prevalence of laws to prohibit such an act covered in Cr Pc, Juvenile act etc. yet its roots are so deeply engraved in the education system that the students find themselves in thraldom of physical assault just to make them “well- disciplined”. Furthermore there have been cases like sexual assault, bullying and physical violence have been on an upsurge in many universities across India indicating a steep administrative failure. Can then the “no touch” policy be implemented to overcome this hurdle and insure a safe and protected environment for the campuses in India as well as a means for the young students to set themselves free from the clutches of corporal punishment?

The ‘no touch’ policy when implemented in any organization or campus discourages any sort of physical touch including hugging and horseplay. Violators of such a policy face the threat of suspension or even expulsion on these grounds if the accusations filed against them are found to be true. However, rather than being as a relief measure and a firm stance of the administration against corporal punishment, this policy extends to all the people in that school or campus. This ‘no touch’ policy gradually has started being implemented in many schools internationally. Parents are relieved about a safe and secure environment for the children whereas teachers have a chance to prove their worth and excel in their career as through such a policy in place, it reduces the amount of false accusations and name blaming by the students of having been physically or sexually harassed. This might also lead to a drastic reduction in the number of cases of sexual and physical harassment taking place on school grounds. However, such a policy is not devoid of its disadvantages. Instead this policy might as very well prove to be a double edged sword.

   Due to such a policy any physical touch which might be necessary under any uncertain or unwarranted circumstance like a medical emergency where physical touch is necessary or during P.E activities or music lessons, might prove to be inappropriate and give a wrong impression thereby creating a negative atmosphere rather than creating a positive impact in the bodies present at school. According to child psychologist Sean Cameron, “What’s missing is recognition of how important touch is. And that withholding touch is in itself of form of psychological abuse.” In today’s atmosphere and environment it is more than necessary to impart correct sexual education; its importance can never be stressed enough. Parents and educational institutions play a primary role in articulating this knowledge. However, this might all go all down the hill if there is adherence to such type of policy as it will only cause a psychological hindrance for them. The whole difference between what is a safe touch and what is an inappropriate touch will become a blurry concept for them as the environment in which they are growing up plays a centrifugal premise in their understanding capacity.  This policy might dazzle the eyes in a first glance but in reality it is nothing but just another form of hindrance in letting the children grow in a proper environment and substantive environment, such a policy might create a negative feeling towards any sort of touch made by the opposite sex and might even lead to a disruptive response of any sort of human touch.

India’s youth suicide rate is among the world’s highest. Thereby, a no touch policy in campus might seem as an adequate step and a head- strong decision in the direction to overcome this social problem in the society as even Combating physical violence and bullying is indeed a difficult obstacle to overcome. However is physical violence, bullying etc. one of the major contributors of causing and un- cohesive environment among these students in campus to such an extent that it plays a role in student suicide rate and for which ‘no touch’ policy might seem the absolute option?

    Almost all students in the country face a tremendous amount of pressure from family members to excel in their academic life in such a coat throat competing academic structure , adopting such a policy will act as a catalyst in detailing their mental health. It needs to be understood that adolescence is a tender age, it is an age where they want to revolt against any sort of tradition or rules set by the society which might seem to hinder their personal liberty or might seem orthodox. Already as per the set guidelines of UGC the student’s activities are already being monitored through CCTV cameras, security check posts, random checking etc. a regressive policy like this might lead to an aggressive revolt, which shall be nothing but prove to be bane for the university administration as well as in student’s well-being. As stated earlier the causes for student suicide are family problems, drug addiction etc. rather than addressing these problems, a ‘no- touch’ policy is nothing but a hasty step and a vague attempt in understanding the youth’s problems reasoned by bigot understanding of the situation at hand. What needs to be noted is that    

Clearly, such a policy is just a digressive way and does not even address the problem at hand that is prevalent in today’s youth culture. For the children at school so much more can be done. The principals or the dean can send out a strong message showing zero tolerance over corporal punishment, conducting seminars and campaigns and imparting sex- education in the best way possible from an early age. With regular parents- teacher meet or conducting seminars for parents even they can get involved with their child’s performance and behaviour at school grounds and looking at rather corporal punishment, coming up with other means and effective tools to make them disciplined. Whereas in the university campuses such a regressive policy has no grounds. The cases of bullying or physical or sexual harassment can be combatted with a strict and active student as well as administrative councils, where the administration staff with a healthy discussion with the student body can come up with strong policies, to combat such hurdles.

Hence, a ‘no touch’ policy in campuses holds no substantive grounds and should be left to just theory rather than coming up with steps on how to implement it effectively.

Access to Education
High drop-out and lower literacy rates among lower-caste populations have rather simplistically been characterized as the natural consequences of poverty and underdevelopment. Though these rates are partly attributable to the need for low-caste children to supplement their family wages through labor, more insidious and less well-documented is the discriminatory and abusive treatment faced by low-caste children who attempt to attend school, at the hands of their teachers and fellow students.

Over fifty years since India‘s constitutional promise of free, compulsory, primary education for all children up to the age of fourteen-with special care and consideration to be given to promote the educational progress of scheduled castes-illiteracy still plagues almost two-thirds of the Dalit population as compared to about one-half of the general population. The literacy gap between Dalits and the rest of the population fell a scant 0.39 percent between 1961 and 1991. Most of the government schools in which Dalit students are enrolled are deficient in basic infrastructure, classrooms, teachers, and teaching aids. A majority of Dalit students are also enrolled in vernacular schools whose students suffer serious disadvantages in the job market as compared to those who learn in English-speaking schools.

Despite state assistance in primary education, Dalits also suffer from an alarming drop-out rate. According to the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes’ 1996-1997 and 1997-1998 Report, the national drop-out rate for Dalit children-who often sit in the back of classrooms-was a staggering 49.35 percent at the primary level, 67.77 percent for middle school, and 77.65 percent for secondary school.

Rodiya children in Sri Lanka rarely study past elementary levels, if at all. Instead, their parents require them to realize their income-earning potential even as young children, and often prematurely take them out of school. Lower-caste Tamil plantation workers of Indian origin in SriLanka also have low literacy levels. According to a Sri Lankan activist only 65 percent of plantation workers can read or write, compared to a high 90 percent national average. Higher drop out rates among children of plantation workers stems partly from the employment of these children as domestic workers, hotel workers, or sanitation cleaners.

The Buraku of Japan also suffer from lower levels of higher education than the national average, and higher dropout rates than the broader society. In particular, Buraku women report lower levels of literacy, high school and university enrollment, and employment. Special scholarship programs that bolstered national averages of Buraku education are expected to be phased out by March 2002, despite the considerable success they had in bridging the education gap between Buraku and non-Buraku.

In Nepal the literacy rate for Dalits is appallingly low at 10 percent for men and 3.2 percent for women, compared to a national literacy rate that exceeds 50 percent. According to the government’s own fourteenth periodic report under ICERD, “The lowest literacy is among the occupational castes. Women constitute more than two thirds of the illiterates.”

Access to Land
Most Dalit victims of abuse in India are landless agricultural laborers who form the backbone of the nation’s agrarian economy. Despite decades of land reform legislation, over 86 percent of Dalit households today are landless or near landless. Those who own land often own very little. Land is the prime asset in rural areas that determines an individual’s standard of living and social status. As with many other low-caste populations, lack of access to land makes Dalits economically vulnerable; their dependency is exploited by upper- and middle-caste landlords and allows for many abuses to go unpunished. Landless agricultural laborers throughout the country work for a few kilograms of rice or Rs. 15 to Rs. 35 (US$0.32 to $0.75) a day, well below the minimum wage prescribed in their state. Many laborers owe debts to their employers or other moneylenders.

Indian laws and regulations that prohibit alienation of Dalit lands, set ceilings on a single landowner’s holdings, or allocate surplus government lands to scheduled castes and scheduled tribes have been largely ignored, or worse, manipulated by upper castes with the help of district administrations.

Although many of Nepal’s agricultural laborers are Dalits, Dalits also have a startlingly low rate of land ownership-only 3.1 percent of Dalits own more than twenty-one ropanies of land and collectively Dalits own only about 1 percent of Nepal’s total cultivable land. Moreover, 90 percent of Nepal Dalits live below the poverty line, compared to 45 percent of the overall population. Their per capita income amounts to a paltry U.S.$39.60 while the rest of Nepalese average U.S.$210 per year. Nepali Dalits are among the world’s poorest of the poor.

So far is India is concerned, the concept of caste system is the creation of ancient Indian Vedic society. The Vedic society was divided into two periods- the early or Rid Vedic and the later Vedic society i.e. at the time of other 3 Vedas, Yajur, Sama, and Atharva Vedas. So during the time of Rig Veda, which composed of the early Vedic civilization, society at that time in India was not divided into various castes. At that time Society was normally divided into 4 groups or classes in order to perform the works of the society in a better manner. For example if one person is quite competent in the task of weaving, then that person will become a weaver. Now the priests were computed enough to continue with learning of the religious scriptures or say the other activities which is related to the intellectual ability of any person. He was regarded as a person who would continue the learning method and process that is he would be a learner in scholarly activities and he would become a teacher imparting education. So the intellectual faculty was under his control. He was regarded as a “Brahmin”. One person, if he had the competence to become a trader or a businessman he could follow that pursuit or profession. He was regarded as a “Vaishya”. If any person had the capability of might, ability and strength he could take the task of the defence of the country and would be regarded as a “Kshatriya” and those who could perform the task of art and labours were “Shudras”.So this was the categorisation of various professions according to the ability or choice of a particular person which prevailed in the early Vedic period. But, however as the time went by caste system became rigid and permanent and it began to be decided by birth and not by profession.

So, now the question arises is the caste system is withering away with time? Under the impact of socio-economic changes and political democracy caste system is changing in its cultural aspects such as hierarchy, pollution and purity, and doctrines of karma and dharma and structural aspects which includes established pattern of inter caste relationships such as endogamy, restrictions on interlining and other forms of social relationship and unequal distribution of power. In the traditional society ritual purity, rather than the economic criteria, determined the rank of each group. In the modern context the ritual dimension has been considerably eroded and the significance of the secular dimension, with which power and wealth are associated, has certainly increased. Today’s symbols of status are modern occupation, education, income, wealth and political power. Prof. D. N. Mazumdar says “The new trend in caste dynamics today is a concerted effort on the part of the backward and underprivileged castes to rearrange them on a horizontal plane instead of pressing their claims for accommodation in the hierarchical ladder.” The cultural and social distances among jatis are being reduced as there has been a shift away from traditional symbols to modern political and technological symbols of status. Under-privileged and socially backward groups at every level of society have now entered the political arena as they had never been able to do before. Mobility efforts have now been increasingly related to political participation in the district, state and national politics. Shifts in the traditional power structure have occurred in the local district and state levels.

Despite these changes and the constitutional abolition of all caste distinctions, the caste system exists and shows no sign of dying. There are several reasons. First, the dominance of power of one caste over another is a crucial factor in the continuance of the system. In the countryside the dominant castes, not necessarily higher castes, by virtue of their control of land such as the primary productive asset and capital enjoy real power and influence. Social disparities between them and the other half of the rural population, the lower castes mostly share-croppers and agricultural labourers remain powerless and without influence. The latter are dependent on the former for secured employment and financial borrowing in times of distress. There are millions of village households who live in debt bondage. Opportunities for them to change occupation are small in most villages. The patron-client relationship enables the dominant castes to mobilise the lower castes in their factional feuds in the villages or in their competitive struggle for political power. In many areas the lower castes vote for the dominant caste nominee either through a mixture of fear, traditional subservience or ignorance. If the lower castes appear to want to exercise their own choice of candidate, the dominant castes do not hesitate to use violent coercion (e.g. in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar political booth capturing or preventing the Dalit’s from casting their votes or manipulating the votes have been common occurrence during general and local elections).

The fact is that the creation of new political opportunities and new bases of power have enabled the dominant castes or caste community to develop at the regional level in particular, “patronage-client networks” based on traditional loyalties. In most states (except West Bengal) several castes are constantly fighting for power and people are mobilised by using the caste idiom. Thus increased politicisation of castes has given a new lease of life, as Srinivas pointed out to castes. There are castes and various sub-caste groups in virtually every state political party organisation (except the communist parties), legislative assembly and government ministry. Inter-jati conflict is a major component of politics in most states. Large agglomeration of caste groups like Jats, Yadavas, Ahirs. Rajputs and Okkaligas play a vital role in politics, and through politics, in the allocation of resources and distribution of benefits to followers. Increased politicisation of castes has largely led to the displacement from state legislative assemblies’ reformers who represented modern values by representatives of jatis and their values. In general, the modus operandi of jatis has been neither to force change nor to oppose change beyond self-interest but rather to accommodate it. Profit from it or make the best of it, endure.

The second factor contributing to increased caste consciousness and caste-based identity of the people is the reservation policy which emphasises not the individuality of an Indian citizen but his caste identity. Caste quotas are adjusted and are readjusted through intense political bargaining in a language which implicitly assumes that castes and not just individuals have claims. In the traditional Indian society the rights and obligations of an individual were to some extent defined by caste. The system of quotas has strengthened the belief that every caste or group of castes should have a share to the nation’s cake. Caste which is about collective identity is thus strengthened.

Thirdly, though modern occupations have expanded only a minority of people have employment in areas where equality of opportunity is expected to work. The various castes, particularly Scheduled Castes, are very thinly represented in the higher administrative and managerial occupations in proportion to their numbers in the total population. Any radical change in this respect depends on two things : one, greater use of the facilities of education provided to them; and two, radical change of traditional attitudes regarding purity and pollution among the upper castes who dominate higher occupations. Moreover, caste associations represent their members’ political and economic concerns and to that extent they enhance caste-consciousness. The formation, fragmentation and reformation of associations of jatis, jati-segments and jati alliances all over India tend to perpetuate caste distinctions.

Fourth, the political system is dominated by a kaleidoscopic coalition of the elites belonging to all sections and the same pattern prevails in all political parties. In each of these groups whether, for example, Brahman, Jat, Rajput, Yadav, Muslim or Scheduled Caste, there is a critical elite which is posing as spokesman of its respective constituency. In some instances they mean to do something for their constituency: but things often cannot be done. The reason is that power relations, despite the minor changes, have substantially reinforced traditional power alignments, partially against the poor and underprivileged.

Fifth, caste is more than a system, as Lannoy puts it: it is a state of mind. The psychology of the vast majority of Hindus is still fundamentally a caste psychology Indeed hierarchy and caste form part of the unconscious psychological element of the Hindu. Very few Hindus are found to carry out their social and political duties and relationships in a spirit of secularism and egalitarianism. Those who strive for social mobility do not challenge the hierarchical frame but believe rather that they are only trying to restore their proper place within it. Those who oppose them believe that the climbers are trying to alter ordained order of society. The caste system is characterised by the dominance of the religious order over the secular. To reverse this order a fundamental change of the value system which legitimates the caste system is required.

Sixth, endogamy, the formidable pillar which has sustained the caste structure, has remained almost unshaken. Inter-caste marriages are few. Even when inter-marriages do take place across castes, the barrier of untouchability is rarely crossed. Indeed, it continues to restrict intermarriage even after conversion to Christianity. The jati continues to be the principal unit of endogamy, an essential attribute of identity. a common locus for interaction.

To conclude, socio-economic changes and political democracy have profoundly affected the caste system. The caste system is changing but it persists and shows no sign of dying.

Often, rigid social norms of purity and pollution are socially enforced through strict prohibitions on marriage or other social interaction between castes. While economic and social indicators other than caste have gained in significance, allowing intermarriage among upper castes, in many countries strong social barriers remain in place against marriage between lower and higher castes.

In India the condemnation can be quite severe, ranging from social ostracism to punitive violence. On August 6, 2001, in the north Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, an upper-caste Brahmin boy and a lower-caste Jat girl were dragged to the roof of a house and publicly hanged by members of their own families as hundreds of spectators looked on. The public lynching was punishment for refusing to end an inter-caste relationship. Inter-caste marriages can also lead to large-scale attacks on lower-caste communities. In May 2000 in Hardoi district in Uttar Pradesh, a police constable enraged by his daughter’s marriage to a Dalit was joined by other relatives in shooting and killing four members of his son-in-law’s family. Dalits who marry high-caste persons in Nepal in some cases reportedly have been imprisoned by local authorities because of false cases filed against them by members of the upper-caste families. Dalits are often forbidden from performing marriage or funeral rites in public areas or, in some areas, from speaking to members of upper castes.

In both the Tamil and Sinhala communities of Sri Lanka, intermarriage between upper-caste and lower-caste persons is still socially discouraged. Matrimonial ads in Sri Lankan newspapers placed by Tamils and Sinhalese both routinely specify the caste background of the match that the family is seeking.

In Japan marriage remains a primary source of discrimination for Buraku people today. Suspicions that a person is of Buraku descent often lead to private investigations into his or her family background. These background checks are easy to conduct because family registries are easily obtainable, and Buraku names are distinct and recognizable. Upon discovering that the intended bride or groom is of Buraku descent, the marriage plans are often reportedly cancelled or condemned.

Marriages are still expected to fall along caste lines for the Wolof societies of Senegal; a geer who marries someone from the lower castes may be ostracized. Even amongst the neeno, marriage within one’s own caste is preferred, particularly amongst the griot community. In parts of southeastern Nigeria, marriage to an Osu by a non-Osu is highly discouraged and even condemned by society, while children of such a union are likely to be ostracized and mistreated.

The caste system is a system for determining the class or assigning a status to people from birth. The causes, effects, and solutions of the caste system in India are described below:

The main reason for creating the caste system in India is the caste assignment based on professional specialization. Four classes of the caste system: Four classes include:

• Brahmins – priesthood class.
• Kshatriyas – a class of warriors and rulers.
• Vaishyas – a commercial class.
• Sudras – the lowest of four traditional classes involved in household members and workers, etc.

The caste system has many disadvantages, such as:

• Promotes inequality
• Undemocratic by nature
• False differentiation in superiority and inferiority
• It increases the difference between people from the upper and lower caste.
• People fall victim to the caste.

Education will help people realize the disadvantages of the caste system. There is a need for broad social change for equality. There should include special classes in schools that give children value and moral education.  Thanks to better learning and economic progress, people belonging to different castes mix and cooperate.

India’s caste system is perhaps the world’s longest surviving social hierarchy. A defining feature of Hinduism, caste encompasses a complex ordering of social groups on the basis of ritual purity. A person is considered a member of the caste into which he or she is born and remains within that caste until death, although the particular ranking of that caste may vary among regions and over time. Differences in status are traditionally justified by the religious doctrine of karma, a belief that one’s place in life is determined by one’s deeds in previous lifetimes.

Traditional scholarship has described this more than 2,000-year-old system within the context of the four principal varnas, or large caste categories. In order of precedence these are the Brahmins (priests and teachers), the Ksyatriyas (rulers and soldiers), the Vaisyas (merchants and traders), and the Shudras (laborers and artisans). A fifth category falls outside the varna system and consists of those known as “untouchables” or Dalits; they are often assigned tasks too ritually polluting to merit inclusion within the traditional varna system. Almost identical structures are also visible in Nepal.

Despite its constitutional abolition in 1950, the practice of “untouchability”-the imposition of social disabilities on persons by reason of birth into a particular caste- remains very much a part of rural India. Representing over one-sixth of India’s population-or some 160 million people-Dalits endure near complete social ostracization. “Untouchables” may not cross the line dividing their part of the village from that occupied by higher castes. They may not use the same wells, visit the same temples, or drink from the same cups in tea stalls. Dalit children are frequently made to sit at the back of classrooms. In what has been called India’s “hidden apartheid,” entire villages in many Indian states remain completely segregated by caste.

“Untouchability” is reinforced by state allocation of resources and facilities; separate facilities are provided for separate caste-based neighborhoods. Dalits often receive the poorer of the two, if they receive any at all. In many villages, the state administration installs electricity, sanitation facilities, and water pumps in the upper-caste section, but neglects to do the same in the neighboring, segregated Dalit area. Basic amenities such as water taps and wells are also segregated, and medical facilities and the better, thatched-roof houses exist exclusively in the upper-caste colony. As revealed by the case study below on the earthquake in Gujarat, these same practices hold true even in times of great natural disaster.

National Sports Award Ceremony may be postponed for 1 or 2 months, scheduled to be held in Rashtrapati Bhavan on August 29
The last time President Ramnath Kovind honored Deepa Malik with the Rajiv Gandhi Khel Ratna Award. Deepa has won a silver medal in the Paralympics.A sports ministry official said that the final decision in this matter is yet to come from Rashtrapati Bhavan.This time the names of cricketer Rohit Sharma, athlete Hima Das and wrestler Vinesh Phogat were sent for Khel Ratna. Apart from these, the names of Neeraj Chopra (Javelin Throw), Monica Batra (Table Tennis) and Women Hockey Team Captain Rani Rampal have also been sent for Khel Ratna. At the same time, Paralympian Deepa Malik and wrestler Bajrang Punia received this award last year. Right now, the safety of the people is the priority of all of us. “.
The program is held on the birth anniversary of Major Dhyan Chand

This year the National Sports Award Ceremony can be postponed for a month or two due to coronavirus. A Sports Ministry official said that the final decision in this matter is yet to come from Rashtrapati Bhavan. The Rajiv Gandhi Khel Ratna, Arjuna, Dronacharya and Dhyanchand Awards are given by the President on 29 August every year. This ceremony is also held in Rashtrapati Bhavan itself.

This time due to Corona, applications for sports awards were called for the first time through e-mail. Usually the process of sending nominations starts in April itself.
Name of Neeraj Chopra and Rani Rampal also sent for Khel Ratna

National Sports Day is celebrated every year on 29 August on the birth anniversary of hockey player Major Dhyan Chand. On this occasion, awards are given in a simple ceremony held in Rashtrapati Bhavan. Khel Ratna is India’s highest sporting award. It is named after former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Every year it is given to the best player in the country. The player is awarded with a prize of Rs 7.5 lakh and a statue. At the same time, the player who wins the Arjuna Award is given five lakh rupees.

The biggest reality show of India is planning for bigg boss 4 in telugu,a special ad is shooted with safe king Nagarjuna

The bigg boss team is planning to start the show from August 30

also the team is planning to send housemates to isolation for 14 days,this season is only go to held for 70 days,the winners get prize money 50 lakhs

The bigg boss 4 Telugu is going to be telcast in star mana and hotstar

World has seen two world wars. Last one demonstrated the overwhelming intensity of the atomic weapon. Japan and the individuals of influenced district despite everything feeling the effect of the equivalent. After that they changed their course to turn into a radical country. In any case, after that race began among the countries to obtain the atomic weapons ability. After the USA, Russia, China, India, France, Germany, Britain, India, Pakistan, etc, all contended with one another to obtain the edge in atomic reserves. This spread of atomic weapons abilities with numerous countries brought forth the two perspectives. One this is danger to the endurance of world and present age. Second that it is technique for prevention for foe countries and they attempt to stay away from war-like circumstance. Anyway the two perspectives are introducing outrageous perspectives. Positively atomic weapons are danger for nations. Also, imagining that advancement of atomic weapons by every significant country will go about as prevent, isn’t right view all .

The view that atomic weapons capacity with all countries, will in the long run bring harmony for the world, is thinking like arm each resident of a country and it will end the viciousness from the nation. War isn’t all around thought and pre-arranged thing, it is chosen by the few conditions. We can take instances of the universal wars. An occasion may broke the war. Anyway the greatness of the war is chosen by the verifiable, international, prudent and a lot more factors. In this way, world can sit loosen up that every single significant force have atomic weapons capacity, so it will acquire the harmony the world. On the off chance that that had case, nations would not have expanded their safeguard financial plan.

Nations have diverse household political conditions For example India has vote based system since after independence,Pakistan has semi-majority rule political framework and barrier related issues are to a great extent managed by the Pakistani armed force, Myanmar is administered by the military. So this household governmental issues, additionally impacts the dynamic in the safeguard and wars. Any off-base and dictator choice may bring the war-like circumstance and afterward no body can ensure that atomic weapons nations retreat from war. A year ago North Korea, arranged its atomic rocket against the USA, regardless of realizing that the USA is a long ways ahead in guard. Little issues may grow into greater things. We have to deal with those things.

Most huge danger originates from non-state on-screen characters like fear based oppressors associations and gatherings. Late development is one such model and his expanding impact represents a major test for the world. The significant thing for world to ensure atomic ‘know-how’ and atomic material from these associations. Indeed, even India is positioned 18 out of 25 atomic prepared nations, in issues of atomic insurance. This is most exceedingly terrible for nations like Pakistan, North Korea and west Asian countries. Accordingly, here even least of prevention thing won’t work, pondering harmony is a long ways ahead.

This view just work in the condition that each country and different partners acknowledge ‘tit for tat will make entire world visually impaired’. Be that as it may, this is just dream. In this way, there is have to take activities from countries side from various levels-national, global and common society. Nations has acknowledge that equipping themselves is no arrangement from any contention rather they have to finance the peaceful strategic approaches to discover the questions with different nations. Gandhi ji utilized just weapons of harmony and peacefulness to remove the strong British. Nations like India additionally support for Nuclear demobilization, anyway it ought to be managed without leaving any restrictive class of countries. As ground-breaking countries attempted in past by bringing the understandings like Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, which attempted to shield barely any countries from keeping atomic weapons capacity. Universal bodies like UN need to receive way to deal with battle against this. Anyway this is too rely on countries’ drives.

Nations has constrained assets particularly creating and immature. What’s more, they heap number of issues neediness joblessness, hunger, lack of healthy sustenance, insufficient sanctuary, sickness trouble, etc. Regardless of this circumstance they are occupying their assets to store an ever increasing number of atomic weapons. Will these abilities feed anybody poor? World needs to meet up to end this race and danger to our own reality. Harmony on the planet must be acquired when we end the enmity for different countries, different races, different religions. This will be fitting technique approach the questions. At that point they can be illuminated without scorn, without savagery.

In order to sell any products or services, your customers have to know that your business exists. Publicity is the process of creating public awareness of your business, brand, products, or services through media coverage and other forms of communication

Media coverage has unique advantages as a promotional strategy. After more than 30 years, Media Relations is a recognized expert in arranging product publicity. Following are really good reasons why one should make media coverage one of their marketing priorities.
Media stories put a face on your company. When your spokesperson is featured in the news, you have the opportunity to build trust and credibility with your audience.
You can make an emotional connection with your audience. We all prefer to do business with people we like. When consumers see a likable, knowledgeable person saying nice things about your product in a news story, they’re more apt to have a positive opinion about your company.
News stories cause audiences to pay attention. Media Relations’ publicists are experts at getting the media to pay attention to your story. In turn, reporters and producers are experts at positioning stories so that their audiences will pay attention to your message.

Importance Of Media Publicity

A business firm can get various benefits from use of publicity as promotion mix . Its credibility, greater number of readers, adequate information, low cost and greater speed of passing information are the main causes to make it important.

1. Credibility
   As sponsor is not mentioned or not identified in publicity, the information and message about goods or services communicated by independent source become more credible and dependable.
2. Greater readership
   As information and messages about goods or services are communicated mostly through important newspapers or other media , greater number of readers can read the information and messages published in them. So, sometime publicity plays an important role of promotion.
3. Contains more information
   Publicity is used as more information and messages can be included in it than in other promotion methods , specially, advertisement. Many aspects of goods or services of business firm can be covered in special feature articles.
4. Cost benefit
   Not so considerable cost is needed in publicity. Advertisement is a costly method of promotion, but publicity is comparatively much economical method. In other words, if calculated the cost for advertisement, more benefits can be received from publicity.
5. Speed
   Speed is another importance of publicity. It is the faster means for communication , information and messages about firm and its goods or services. Publicity has greater speed to reach the public.

A definitive emergency that the present world is managing is hunger and poverty. Numerous Asian and African nations are tormented by this overwhelming danger. India, however hailed for its destitution easing results, has over 20% of its populace underneath the neediness line. The satisfaction of essential necessities of an individual ought to be a crucial human right regardless of sex, age, area, individual capacities and so forth. The pioneers of the world have understood this danger. The UN specifically has thought of thousand years Developmental Goals comprising of eight objectives, each setting focuses for on some human emergency. Among them, destitution is the greatest concern.

Millennium Developmental Goals set up numerous objectives (around 18) under 8 fundamental classification for each nation that is a signatory to it. It says that each ought to diminish half of their destitution from 1990 to 2015. There are different focuses for kid mortality, maternal mortality, essential instruction, sexual orientation difference in training, sicknesses like AIDS and Malaria and maintainable and impartial development. Every one of the above disturb destitution, so every single one of the objectives is basic for diminishing neediness.

Presently it is as of now 2015 and appraisals have been finished. UN says that India and China have accomplished a great work for accomplishing the objectives. Nonetheless, on numerous different fronts, the upgrades were not seen according to the objectives set. Indeed, even if there should be an occurrence of neediness, irrefutably the number for example around 30 crore, is sufficiently tremendous to demonstrate that this emergency despite everything poses a potential threat.

Objectives and their appraisal is basic to neediness easing. The current status of neediness i.e. its evaluation is the first step. Realizing this will empower us to know how greater the emergency it. Plans to ease it are required and they ought to be slow and feasible. Objectives and measuring sticks need to set dependent on our financial limit. After this stage, evaluation is required to be done yearly, to know how we have fared and is these approaches working agreeably or any arrangement changes are required. In this manner improvement objectives are exceptionally essential. What’s more, accomplishment of MDG further requires the utilization of these in future.

After British left, the things that were left in India were mass neediness, hunger, starvation, absence of education, plagues and so forth. The principal thing the Indian head did was to evacuate neediness. This was remembered for the first FYP at a high need . The bound farming was resuscitated. Land proprietorship was allowed to turners. This guaranteed India become adequate in food and grains. Demonstrating food security is the essential alleviation to this emergency.

Destitution was decreased somewhat yet just in relative terms. The total figure developed. Till now, govt of India has propelled a few plans to mitigate neediness. To guarantee that everybody at any rate get enough food, the govt began general open conveyance framework. Nonetheless, infer able from its huge, monetary weight made, the govt began focused on PDS which would give grains, heartbeats, oil seeds and sugar at a sponsored rates to those underneath destitution line. Anyway as of late, Food Security Act was passed which ensured each resident to go without hunger.

There were endeavors to lessen joblessness. The option to work and get compensation as referenced in DPSP was conceded completely. MGNREGS which ensured work to those jobless, and in the event that when govt can’t give, it needs to give 100 days-proportional cash to that individual. This plan at any rate guarantees that every family can have certain base wages. In Agriculture there are minimal ranchers and landless turners who are either poor or very nearly it. Govt has attempted to support agribusiness and declared MSP to different items, for example, rice and wheat to guarantee least pay age to the ranchers. There have been many harvest protection plans and arrangement of modest credit began by the govt, in any case a postponed storm or an awful climate would make numerous ranchers poor.

Be that as it may, India has far to go before all its residents head to sleep with their gut loaded up with enough and nutritious food. There are four standards on food security – accessibility, openness, adequacy and sustenance. A poor must have these. PDS have been an epic fall flat in numerous states, principally in massively populated state. A more focused on approach state astute ought to be given accentuation on. The govt of BIMARU states ought to be approached to take measure against destitution ace effectively. The advantages ought to be made accessible exhaustive direct money move, however, the initial step has just been taken by our PM through PMJDY which will guarantee monetary consideration. This progression will close the spillage in existing TPDS. The MGNREGS has been fruitful, so there ought not be any further endeavor by the govt to slice the cash appropriated to it, as the govt has just cut assets in this spending plan.

The world is constantly tolerating free enterprise economy. Without govt intercession and enough well being net for poor people, it will just bring about formation of numerous poor. The advantages from stream down impact of private enterprise is too pitiful to even consider uplifting the money related status of an individual from lower monetary layers. This bleak circumstance requires a significantly bigger joint effort on a worldwide scale. The created nations should bear greater obligation to diminish neediness from different nations.

India should focus on its advancement objectives in BIMARU states, particularly Bihar and UP on a need premise. Per capital GDP of these states is low so our govt ought to make favorable condition for business here. The execution of the current midway supported plans ought to be made powerful. Thee less fortunate states on per capital premise ought to get more awards. The govt should give more weight on training at essential level, fundamental medicinal services, budgetary incorporation, well being net of crippled, old, ladies and kids, crop protection, less expensive credits to ranchers and little scope ventures, business age rather than jobless development, and benefits or standardized savings. Just better arranging, viable usage and focused on approach can fathom this danger.