Citation

Ezeme, P. E., & Ohabuenyi, J. (2026). Socio-Political Analysis of Land Deals in Uganda and Nigeria. International Journal for Social Studies, 12(2), 38–47. https://doi.org/10.26643/ijss/8

¹Ezeme, Paulinus Ejiofor

Department of Political Science,

Faculty of the Social Sciences,

University of Nigeria, Nsukka

Email: paulinus.ezeme@unn.edu.ng

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0005-3638-7360 

^2**Jonas Ohabuenyi**

Department of Political Science, Faculty of the Social Sciences,

University of Nigeria, Nsukka

Email: jonas.ohabuenyi@unn.edu.ng  

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0003-3614-7864

Corresponding author***

Abstract

Transparent transactions, the protection of ownership rights, investor security, and sustainable growth all depend on effective land management. With an emphasis on ownership rights, deal procedures, and investor protection, this study contrasts the legal systems controlling real estate transactions in Nigeria and Uganda. Using a doctrinal research approach, this study looked at a number of significant legal sources, including the Land Use Act of 1978 in Nigeria, the Land Act of Uganda, pertinent constitutional provisions, and court decisions. Secondary sources include reports and academic articles. Important results show that Nigeria’s centralised approach, which gives state governors control over property, has frequently resulted in power abuse and erected obstacles to profitable land investment. In contrast, Uganda’s Constitution recognises a number of tenure arrangements that improve transaction security by protecting individual rights, spousal consent, and public access to property registration data. Additionally, it ensures that its residents possess property. According to the study’s findings, Uganda’s strategy offers investors and landowners clearer protections and is more in line with international best practices. In order to boost investor confidence and lower the risk of litigation, it advises Nigeria to think about amending its Land Use Act to add clauses requiring spousal permission, boundary confirmations by nearby landowners, and harsher penalties for fraudulent transactions. Nigeria’s legal system would be enhanced by these changes, which would also make it more favourable to investment and sustainable land management.

Keywords: Land deals, Land Use Act, Land management, Legal structure, National development

Introduction

            Long-term national development depends on an efficient land management system that has an impact on the social, economic, and environmental facets of a country. Land administration is more than just managing ownership; it includes the intricate social, economic, cultural, technological, and legal frameworks that regulate how land is used, transferred, and maintained (Anierobi et al., 2024). In order to achieve societal benefits while safeguarding the rights of individuals, communities, and future generations, these frameworks are crucial. One of the fundamental ideas of land management is intergenerational equality, which highlights that land resources should not only benefit the current generation but also be preserved to meet the demands of future generations (Okpa et al., 2022). As urbanisation and population growth puts unprecedented pressure on land resources, especially in areas that are rapidly growing, this concept is becoming more and more crucial (Eze et al., 2022). Therefore, the primary objectives of national land administration laws and policies must be equitable distribution and sustainable management.Legal frameworks are essential for controlling land transactions in order to advance transparency, protect ownership rights, and enhance commercial security. Strong legal frameworks allow investors and stakeholders to do business with confidence because they know their investments are secure (Obasi et al., 2024). These frameworks also prevent fraud while promoting moral and lawful transactions. In regions with high land demand and frequent changes in land use, well-defined legal laws are required to ensure orderly urban expansion and lessen the risks associated with rapid urbanisation (Chinweze et al., 2024).In countries like Nigeria and Uganda, legal regulations specify the responsibilities, rights, and required documentation for real estate transactions. However, the structure, application, and enforcement of these laws varied widely according to a variety of historical, cultural, and political variables. Nigeria’s Land Use Act of 1978, for instance, grants state governors trustee authority over all land under their control (land Use Act, 1978). Although this paradigm was intended to promote fair land distribution and speed land administration, it has often led to the concentration of power in the hands of governors, who may have substantial control over the distribution and management of land. This centralised arrangement has raised concerns about accountability and transparency since governors can operate as de facto landlords rather than impartial guardians (Elias, 2024).Nonetheless, Uganda’s land management system has a number of tenure systems, each with its own set of rules and ownership rights, such as Mailo, Customary, Freehold, and Leasehold (Musinguzi et al., 2021). According to Magadze and Ajah  (2025), these institutions are intended to satisfy a range of social and cultural demands and are a reflection of Uganda’s colonial past. However, international investors who are not familiar with local laws and customs may find this variety of tenure regimes confusing (Ajah et al., 2025). With an emphasis on each nation’s legislative frameworks, this article seeks to provide a thorough legal study of land transfers in Nigeria and Uganda. To make wise choices and successfully negotiate the problems pertaining to property ownership, tenure, and rights in these two countries, investors must be aware of these distinctions.

In order to assess, interpret, and synthesise legal texts, principles, and reliable sources, this study uses a doctrinal research technique, which is frequently employed in legal studies (Osadebe et al., 2024). This issue is a good fit for doctrinal study since it enables a thorough examination of the existing legal frameworks governing land transfers in Nigeria and Uganda. Using this approach, the study examines the legislation and case law of each jurisdiction for significant parallels, discrepancies, and possible opportunities for reform. The investigation makes use of both primary and secondary materials.The fundamental legal rights and principles pertaining to property ownership and management are established by the constitutions of Uganda and Nigeria, among other significant sources that form the basis of this study. Two important laws that control land tenure, transactions, and property rights in each nation are the Land Use Act of 1978 in Nigeria and the Land Act (as amended) in Uganda. Secondary sources provide context, criticism, and more viewpoints for this analysis. A thorough grasp of the historical, social, and economic elements influencing land governance in many nations can be found in scholarly books, periodicals, novels, and reliable media coverage.

Legal Structures

Since it outlines the rights and obligations of both the government and its citizens, a nation’s legal system serves as the foundation for regulating land transactions. Because they promote fairness, efficiency, and transparency in land transactions, these frameworks are crucial to the development of the country and the defence of property rights. Inheritance, land ownership, transfer, and conflict resolution are just a few of the many topics covered by land laws (Ajah et al., 2025). In addition to protecting property rights, a well-designed legal framework encourages fair land allocation, investor confidence, and sustainable land management techniques. This section looks at the advantages, disadvantages, and adherence to international best practices of Nigeria’s and Uganda’s land transfer laws.

Uganda’s Legal Structure for Land Sales

With explicit legal criteria in the Land Act and the Constitution offering a solid foundation for land ownership and transfers, Uganda’s land deal regulations offer a more organised and transparent system than Nigeria’s (Gerald, 2021). In contrast to Nigeria’s model under the Land Use Act, which placed property ownership under the state, Uganda’s Constitution, specifically Article 237, grants land ownership to Ugandan citizens. This disparity reveals a basic difference in how land rights are distributed and administered in the two nations. Additionally, traditional, freehold, mailo, and leasehold land tenure are the four main categories recognised under Uganda’s Land Act of 1998 (Musinguzi et al., 2021). Because each of these tenure systems is governed by particular laws and regulations, land ownership and transactions are handled more carefully (Obala & Kitulazzi, 2024). It is essential for both landowners and investors to understand these differences since each kind of tenure has unique legal requirements, particularly with relation to succession, transfer, and registration.For example, the Land Act imposes restrictions on the Mailo land tenure, which is exclusive to Uganda and gives landowners everlasting ownership rights (Nabawanda, 2024). Only the legal processes specified in the Act may be followed for leasing or transferring Mailo land. According to Section 3(4) of the Land Act, all transfers must be formalised through the appropriate legal procedures to avoid disputes, and Mailo land must be registered to guarantee its legality (Isaac, 2023). Mailo tenure has its own set of difficulties, especially when it comes to the intricacies of land transfers and the history of land ownership under this tenure type, in contrast to freehold land, which gives comparable but typically simpler ownership rights (Musinguzi et al., 2021).

Nigeria’s Legal Structure for Land Sales

            Land transactions in Nigeria are governed by both statutes and customary law. The most significant of them are the Land Use Act of 1978, the Federal Republic of Nigeria Constitution, and several state-level laws.
The Land Use Act, which grants state governors ownership of all the country’s land in trust for the people, is a significant component of Nigerian law. This Act significantly alters the traditional land ownership arrangement, which was formerly governed by customary law. Because the Land Use Act grants the governor the power to grant land use rights to people and groups, the government is heavily involved in land transactions (Derri & Egemonu, 2022). However, the Act’s centralisation of land rights and the abuse of this power by state governors have come under heavy fire (Makata & Udobi, 2024). The state governor’s concentration of authority has led to issues with corruption and abuse, despite the Act’s efforts to prevent land hoarding and guarantee fair distribution.
In addition to the Land Use Act, Nigeria’s customary land laws continue to play a significant role in land transactions, particularly in rural areas. Regional norms and traditions serve as the foundation for these rules, which regulate property ownership, inheritance, and transfer among communities. Despite the fact that customary law often provides a more flexible and localised approach to land transactions (Chigbu et al., 2021), its absence of formal documentation can lead to disputes and challenges when formalising property transactions. When statutory law and customary law coexist, it is challenging to guarantee uniform enforcement, particularly when disputes arise between parties that adhere to different legal systems (Nwocha, 2016).
In addition to the Land Use Act, two more laws that affect land transactions in Nigeria are the Property and Conveyancing Act and the Nigerian Land Title Registration Act (Abraham, 2023). In order to ensure that ownership is properly documented and recognised by the state, these laws, along with a number of state laws, establish procedures for registering property titles. However, these rules are administered unevenly due to problems including corrupt land administration agencies and inefficient land registration processes.

Contemporary Land Deal Processes

To ensure legal compliance and safeguard the rights of both buyers and sellers, modern real estate transactions must strictly conform to a range of national laws, rules, and due diligence procedures (Dieterle, 2023). The complexity of these transactions, which can include numerous verification procedures and discussions, increases in tandem with the value of land. The main stages of contemporary land deals are broken down as follows:

Searching the land registration is one of the most crucial procedures in the transaction process. According to the Trusted Advisors, the search is conducted at the land registry office and verifies the property’s ownership history, ensuring that the seller is the legitimate owner and that there are no disputes or claims from third parties. The search also turned up encumbrances like mortgages, liens, or unpaid taxes that could legally tie the land and limit its transferability. Completing this critical step is necessary to establish a clean title, which is a title free of any legal barriers to ownership.
Verifying that the corporation is legally registered and has the authority to sell the property is essential if the landowner is a corporation. For example, in Nigeria, this process comprises a search with the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) to confirm that the corporate entity is in good standing, has not been dissolved, and that its representatives are legally allowed to act on its behalf in the transaction (Corporate Affairs Commission, 2022). According to the Commission, this step lessens fraud and illegal activities by ensuring that the transaction is conducted with a reputable, legally authorised business. It is typically advised to involve legal experts in these verifications to avoid problems. In other countries, comparable investigations are carried out with the relevant authorities.
Hiring a skilled surveyor to confirm the exact boundaries of the property is necessary for a thorough understanding of the land being transferred (Reed, 2021). Surveyors conduct field assessments to ensure that land measurements match official records and to mark and confirm boundary lines in compliance with government-approved survey plans. According to Çağdaş et al. (2023), inaccurate border demarcation may lead to disputes with neighbouring property owners and, in some cases, legal action. By preventing further encroachments, boundary verification also enables the purchase to legally and physically defend the land.
In certain places, particularly those with significant community or customary land rights, it is frequently required to consult local stakeholders, such as surrounding landowners, community leaders, or traditional authorities (Notes et al., 2021). For instance, in many rural African areas, the consent of a village chief or other community leader increases the agreement’s legitimacy and helps prevent future disputes with the local populace (Ndi, 2022). This consultation may involve formal discussions, agreements, or, in some cases, getting express written authorisation to proceed with the sale. This stage is especially crucial in transactions involving land that was formerly governed by customary law since such land may have unwritten obligations or access rights.
Legal counsel is highly recommended to manage the intricacy of land regulations and protect the buyer’s rights. Attorneys can assist in confirming that the deal paperwork is examined, the title is genuine, and all procedural requirements are met (Stark & Llorente, 2024). Certain transactions, especially those involving valuable assets, may also require financial appraisals. Financial due diligence helps ensure that the acquisition price is fair and that there are no hidden financial obligations, such as unpaid property taxes or outstanding loans associated with the property.
Fulfilling specific regulatory criteria, which may vary depending on the locality, is a common prerequisite for modern land purchases. These include acquiring government clearances, adhering to zoning laws, and gaining environmental approvals if the land will be utilised for commercial development (Dixon, 2021). In certain jurisdictions, paying taxes or stamp fees is necessary for a transaction to be performed legally. The likelihood of fines, penalties, or other legal problems with regulatory authorities is decreased by adhering to these rules.When combined, these processes reduce the possibility of fraudulent property transactions, shield buyers from potential issues, and offer a straightforward and safe route to ownership. Legal and real estate experts should be consulted by investors, particularly if they are unfamiliar with local regulations or are new to a certain market.

Conclusion and Recommendations

The legal systems of Uganda and Nigeria both offer fundamental frameworks for land transactions, but substantial changes are needed to improve their efficacy, guarantee fair land allocation, and encourage sustainable land management. By addressing the differences in land registration, bolstering enforcement strategies, and boosting transparency, both nations’ land laws will be in line with global best practices. Both people and investors will benefit from a more stable and secure land tenure environment as a result.
In order to verify the validity of property boundaries during land transfers, Ugandan law requires boundary neighbours to sign documents and provide information from their national identity cards. Boundary disputes are prevented and unambiguous borders are established thanks to this need. Nigeria ought to implement a similar law requiring boundary neighbour verification before buying real land.
In order to ensure balanced family rights and forbid unilateral actions that would endanger the family’s financial stability, Uganda’s legal system contains a clause demanding spousal approval when a husband is the vendor in a land transaction. Nigerian lawmakers ought to think about enacting a comparable law. Family assets would be safeguarded by requiring spousal consent for real estate transactions involving married people.
Nigeria lags behind other nations that regularly modify their legal frameworks to satisfy modern demands because its land laws, especially the Land Use Act of 1978, have essentially remained untouched since their creation. It is recommended that Nigerian lawmakers give careful review and revision of these laws top priority in order to establish a more effective and investor-friendly legal environment for real estate transactions.
While Nigeria’s land is controlled by the government under the Land Use Act, which occasionally disadvantages locals, Uganda’s Constitution grants its residents the right to own land. In addition to bringing Nigeria into line with Uganda’s strategy, a constitutional amendment granting Nigerians direct land ownership rights will boost individuals’ sense of accountability and lessen bureaucratic inefficiencies in land administration.
Uganda’s RTA keeps prospective buyers from inadvertently acquiring contested land by enabling parties with reservations about a real estate transaction to record a caveat with the land registry and inform the public of any continuing conflicts. It is advised that Nigeria implement a comparable caveat procedure, which would make it simple for buyers to obtain this information before closing a deal and for interested parties to issue caveats.

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Citation

Okeke, N. C., Ohachenu, I. E., & Ojiochie, J. A. (2026). Socio-Cultural Determinants of Drug and Substance Use among Pregnant Women in Nigeria: A Literature Review. International Journal for Social Studies, 12(2), 21–37. https://doi.org/10.26643/ijss/7

¹Ngozi Chinenye Okeke, ¹Ifeoma Elizabeth Ohachenu, ²Joshua Akaolisa Ojiochie,

 cng.okeke@unizik.edu.ng;  ie.ohachenu@unizik.edu;  jakaolisa8@gmail.com

¹ Department of Sociology, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Anambra State.

²Department of Sociology, Caritas University, Amorji Nike Enugu State

Corresponding author: ¹Ngozi Chinenye Okeke, Department of Sociology, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Anambra, Nigeria. Email: cng.okeke@unizik.edu.ng. ORCID number: 0000-0001-6636-5166

Abstract

The increasing prevalence of drug and substance use among pregnant women poses significant risks to maternal and fetal health, particularly in developing countries like Nigeria. Drawing on the body of existing research, including publications and articles, this theoretical paper attempts to investigate the determinants of drug and substance use among pregnant women in Nigeria. The Social Learning Theory (SLT) is adopted as the theoretical framework. This paper identifies important factors that affect drug and substance use among pregnant women in Nigeria. Through a thorough analysis of secondary data. These factors include maternal age, partner/husband and maternal education level, monthly income, occupation, partner/husband’s substance use, healthcare access, maternall age, socioeconomic status, lack of awareness, societal stigma, place of residence, stress, and cultural beliefs.  The study also addresses the effects of drug and substance use on pregnancy outcomes and emphasizes the necessity of focused treatments and legislative changes. To reduce drug and substance use among pregnant women, this paper advocates that the government and non-governmental organizations should consider subsidizing the cost of antenatal medications, community engagement, enhancing public health initiatives, and educational programs aimed at reducing drug use and improving maternal and child health outcomes.

Keywords: Drug use, Maternal health, Nigeria, Pregnant women, Substance use,

Introduction

A drug is any substance, typically of a chemical type, that alters or changes the user’s physiological or psychological state. Both medical and non-medical justifications are given for drug use. However, the time, method, and purpose of drug use can all have an impact on the user, both positively and negatively. Drug use, abuse, and misuse are all possible  (Olofintuyi et al, 2019). According to Mohammed et al. (2025), substance use is the use of harmful stimulants, such as alcohol, tobacco products, caffeine, khat leaves, illegal drugs, inhalants, and other substances that can be ingested, inhaled, injected, or absorbed into the body. These substances can cause dependence and have negative effects on physiological, mental, physical, or emotional functions. Pregnancy and unborn infants are affected since a sizable part of the females who engage in this behavior are of reproductive age. These substances may be self-prescriptions, medications provided by doctors or pharmacists, or behaviors inherited from their mothers or other family members (Atiba et al, 2023).

Pregnant women, like their non-pregnant counterparts, seem to abuse a variety of drugs and substances. Commonly used over-the-counter medications, as well as substances like caffeine, alcohol, cigarettes, stimulants, sedatives, and several other illegal substances, can have long-lasting effects on an unborn child. These substances are as harmful to fetal development as illegal drugs like marijuana, cocaine, and methamphetamine (Sulyman et al., 2021). Pregnant women may use these substances for a variety of reasons, such as easing symptoms that are more prevalent in the first trimester, controlling nausea and vomiting, improving the quality and volume of their blood, helping their babies sleep better, lowering pain, and improving the babies’ weight, among other reasons (Atiba et al 2023, Sulyman, et al, 2021).

Child mortality, perinatal morbidities, and congenital abnormalities are associated with substance use during pregnancy, and these risks are exacerbated by inadequate prenatal care (Lee et al., 2023). For example, if pregnant women consume crystal meth or marijuana, the fetus will also be impacted. Additionally, the woman is endangering not only her own life but also the health of the unborn child if she is addicted to cocaine, also referred to as coke, snow, or blow. Seizures, heart attacks, strokes, and respiratory failure are all potential consequences of cocaine usage. It has been determined that the main way pregnant women are exposed to unintentional caffeine intake is through the careless consumption of all meals and beverages. For instance, they may be exposed to accidental caffeine consumption if they consume kola nuts and certain so-called cola drinks (Lee et al., 2023).

One of the major risk factors for global health, according to the World Health Organization (WHO, 2018), is hazardous alcohol consumption and substance use. These behaviors directly affect several SDGs’ health-related targets, such as maternal and child health, infectious diseases (HIV, viral hepatitis, and tuberculosis), and non-communicable diseases like mental health, injuries, and poisonings. WHO (2018). According to a 2018 World Health Organization report, approximately three million people died in 2016 as a result of alcohol and other substance abuse. They also showed that alcohol use caused 26.1 million disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) and 0.7 million deaths among women. Mortalities from alcohol (including drug and other substances) were higher than those from HIV/AIDS, diabetes, and tuberculosis. WHO (2018) in 2025, Pregnancy-related substance use varies from 2.2% to 36.5% in Sub-Saharan Africa (15–17) and from 11.3% to 60% in East African nations, such as Ethiopia (18–23). 1.53 percent of people reported regularly using alcohol, cocaine, and marijuana, 0.51% exclusively using marihuana, and 0.51% only using crack (Olofintuyi, 2019).

In Nigeria, 18.28% of expectant mothers reported abusing drugs, including alcohol, cigarettes, and illegal substances like cocaine and marijuana. Additionally, 44–65% of prescription drugs were considered dangerous during pregnancy, which can lead to fetal complications like low birth weight and stillbirth (Onah et al., 2023, Kassada et al., 2013). Codeine and tramadol were the most misused substances, according to a study conducted in northern Nigeria that reported a 9.3% prevalence of psychoactive substance use disorders among females (Ibrahim et al., 2018). Pregnancy-related substance use is greatly influenced by many sociocultural factors, such as maternal age, income, education, and access to healthcare. Studies show that women who are unintended mothers and those who lack access to healthcare are more likely to take drugs, and that younger mothers, especially those under 20, are linked to higher rates of substance use (Tabatabaei et al., 2018). A key factor is educational attainment; higher education frequently results in improved health-seeking behaviors, while lower education levels are associated with increasing substance use (Horan et al., 2024). Higher rates of substance use are also associated with financial restrictions, such as an annual income below $20,000 (Horan et al., 2024). The domicile is also important, as rural women have a harder time getting support and medical care (Tabatabaei et al., 2018). Additionally, cultural views and interactions with intimate partners can either reduce or increase substance use, underscoring the intricate interaction of socio-cultural factors in this situation (Berra et al., 2019).

In Nigeria, interventions like the Alcohol, Smoking and Substance Involvement Screening Test (ASSIST) which was created under the World Health Organization’s (WHO) umbrella and is culturally neutral, is available to screen for the use of the following substances: alcohol, cannabis, cocaine, tobacco products, amphetamine-type stimulants, sedatives and sleeping pills (benzodiazepines), hallucinogens, inhalants, opioids, marijuana, and “other drugs.” Despite these initiatives, substance use is on the rise among Nigerian women, and it has been a serious health concern during pregnancy.  Health care practitioners are reportedly not regularly screening pregnant women for drug and substance use, despite this concerning reality. Although the antenatal clinic offers frequent screenings for certain physical disorders (such as diabetes and anemia), health care practitioners are hesitant to screen for drugs (Adebowale et al., 2018). The dearth of research on drug and substance use among pregnant women is problematic since it makes it more difficult to develop effective policies and treatments. It is crucial to perform this research in particular settings and locales since country-specific differences in drug and substance trends may dictate the kind of laws and services required locally. However, to the best of the authors’ knowledge and search, there aren’t many previous studies that have tried to identify the different factors that influence drug and substance use among pregnant women in Nigeria. To fill this research gap, the purpose of this study is to identify the socio-cultural determinants of drug and substance use among pregnant women in Nigeria.

     Review of Relevant Literature/Conceptualization of Key Terms

Pregnancy

Pregnancy is a dynamic process in which anatomic and physiological changes occur from fertilization to parturition (Suleyman et al., 2022). Pregnancy is a delicate time, and any mistakes made during this time could have short-term or long-term negative effects on both the mother and the unborn child. Since the majority of drugs cross the placental and hematoencephalic barriers without any prior metabolization, drug use complications are not limited to pregnant women; they also affect the fetus. These substances specifically affect the fetus’s central nervous system, resulting in cognitive deficits, deformities, abstinence syndromes, and other problems in the newborn (Olofintuyi, 2019).

Drug use

Pregnancy-related drug use includes both legal and illicit substance use, which can have a serious negative effect on the health of the mother and fetus. According to Confino and Gleicher (1985), it is the administration of any chemical substance that has the potential to have negative effects, regardless of whether it is utilized for therapeutic objectives. To protect the safety of both the mother and the fetus, pregnant women frequently need to take medications for a variety of medical issues, which calls for careful evaluation of the USFDA drug risk categories (Geetha et al., 2024).

Substance Use

The complex biopsychosocial phenomena of substance use have been characterized in a variety of ways throughout history and across academic fields. The World Health Organization (WHO, 2010) defines substance use as the use of psychoactive substances, such as alcohol, tobacco, illegal drugs, and prescription pharmaceuticals, in a way that can result in dependence, negative societal effects, or health issues. Strong cravings, less control over use, physiological withdrawal symptoms, tolerance building, disregard for other pleasures, and continued use in the face of harm are all signs of substance use. Alcohol, opioids, stimulants, and cannabis are examples of chemicals that can cause substance use disorders (SUDs) when consumed compulsively despite negative consequences. Substance use during pregnancy is a serious health concern that includes the use of alcohol, tobacco, cannabis, and other illegal drugs, and can have negative effects on the health of both the mother and the fetus. The prevalence of SUDs among women of reproductive age is alarming, with high rates of alcohol and drug use, especially among those between the ages of 18 and 29 (Prince & Ayers, 2023). The most commonly used substance during pregnancy is tobacco, followed by alcohol and cannabis, and polysubstance use is common (Forray, 2016; Prince & Ayers, 2019).

Drug and Substance Use among Pregnant Women

There are serious public health issues associated with drug and substance use among pregnant women; numerous studies have shown how common these behaviors are and the negative effects they can have. Substance abuse and drug use during pregnancy are complicated issues that have a big impact on the health of the mother and the fetus. Substance abuse during pregnancy is an increasing global concern, while prevalence varies by region and population. According to Forray (2016), tobacco is the most commonly used substance, followed by alcohol, cannabis, and other illegal substances. In the United States, more than 4.4% of pregnant women report abusing one or more substances. The prevalence of substance use disorders (SUDs) is particularly high among women of reproductive age, and the risks are higher during pregnancy, especially for those who use alcohol, tobacco, and cannabis (Prince  & Ayers, 2023).

The National Survey on Drug Use and Health indicates that while pregnant women exhibit lower rates of illicit drug use compared to non-pregnant women, polysubstance use remains a concern, with nearly one-fifth of substance-using pregnant women engaging in multiple substance use (Board et al., 2023). The co-use of tobacco and other drugs exacerbates health risks for both mother and fetus, necessitating comprehensive screening and integrated treatment approaches that address both substance use and mental health (Board et al., 2023). Barriers to treatment, including socioeconomic factors and stigma, hinder access to necessary care, underscoring the need for tailored interventions to support this vulnerable population (Prince & Ayers, 2023). Multiple substance use during pregnancy is a typical occurrence that frequently co-occurs with environmental stresses and psychological disorders. This may exacerbate adverse effects and make maternal and fetal health more difficult (Forray, 2016).

Theoretical framework

Social Learning Theory (SLT)

Social Learning Theory (SLT), developed by Albert Bandura, posits that social environments teach people habits through imitation, reinforcement, and observation. Pregnant women’s drug and substance usage can be explained by this hypothesis since social models, including peers, family, and the media, frequently shape their behavior. For example, if a pregnant woman has been exposed to a culture that normalizes substance use, such as witnessing her parents, boyfriends, or friends take drugs, she may emulate similar behaviors because she believes they are acceptable or even helpful for relieving stress. Furthermore, she might continue using drugs despite the risks if doing so is rewarded by social approval or momentary emotional comfort. On the other hand, substance use may be further reinforced if there are no obvious negative repercussions (such as not seeing others experience unfavorable pregnancy outcomes). Glamorized depictions of drug or alcohol use in the media can potentially influence public opinion by downplaying its negative effects during pregnancy. Additionally, addiction might persist in the absence of significant social support or positive role models due to low self-efficacy, which is a lack of confidence in one’s capacity to stop. Although SLT places a lot of emphasis on social and environmental factors, it frequently ignores the biological and psychological aspects of substance use. Hormonal changes, genetic susceptibilities to addiction, and mental health issues (such as anxiety or depression) can all contribute significantly to drug dependence in pregnant women, and SLT does not adequately account for these aspects.

Socio-cultural determinants of drug and substance use among pregnant women

Partner/husband’s substance use

Partner/husband’s substance use is one of the major determinants of drug and substance use among pregnant women, according to a study (Voutilainen et al., 2022). Substance abuse by a partner is a strong predictor of increased maternal alcohol use during pregnancy. A study found that reduced prenatal alcohol intake among pregnant women is associated with higher partner influence, including substance use and relationship satisfaction (Voutilainen et al., 2022; Mburu et al., 2020). Intimate relationships have a big impact on pregnant women’s drug use and frequently mediate their choices. Due to the complicated dynamics involved, some women started using drugs to achieve perceived relationship standards, while others experienced conflict when their spouses objected to their drug use (Mburu et al., 2020). Substance abuse by a father is thought to be a predictor of continued substance use issues for his partner and kids because it can make it more difficult for the mother to stop using drugs and compromise her ability to provide emotional and physical support throughout pregnancy and the first few years of motherhood (Voutilainen et al., 2022; Mburu et al., 2020).

Maternal age

The age of the mother has a substantial impact on pregnant women’s substance usage, with different age groups showing varied patterns. Younger and older women had considerably different predictors of alcohol use during pregnancy, which reflects different social and contextual factors. Research shows that younger pregnant women, especially those under 25, are more likely to drink alcohol in a risky manner and are more likely to have risk factors such as mental health disorders and unemployment (Genna et al., 2017). Once more, younger pregnant women, especially those between the ages of 20 and 25, had greater rates of risk factors such as being single, giving birth for the first time, smoking, and having depressive symptoms. These factors are also associated with higher alcohol use (Genna et al., 2017). According to Meschke et al. (2013) & Genna et al. (2017), adolescent and young adult mothers are more susceptible to dangerous drinking behaviors due to peer alcohol use and coping reasons, which are diminished in older mothers. Both age groups require focused efforts to reduce prenatal alcohol exposure because older mothers’ alcohol consumption is less predictable than that of younger mothers, who confront numerous recognized risk factors (Meschke et al. 2013).

Socioeconomic Status

Several studies have shown that pregnant women’s substance usage is highly influenced by their monthly income, indicating the socioeconomic factors at work. Those who are unemployed or underemployed are more likely to use drugs like crack and cocaine, and pregnant women with lower incomes frequently experience more pressures as a result (Almeida et al., 2021). Higher education and early prenatal care are two positive demographic and behavioral traits that are typically seen in employed women and are linked to decreased rates of substance use during pregnancy. According to Miller et al. (2023), women without jobs, on the other hand, frequently have worse health outcomes and more financial hardship, which raises their rates of substance use. The socioeconomic context has a significant impact on substance use behaviors, as evidenced by a study that found women with opioid use disorder (OUD) in rural areas, who frequently face financial difficulties, exhibited different substance use patterns from their urban counterparts (Miller et al., 2023).

According to Kuo et al. (2017), substance use was also identified by women who are in poverty as a widespread problem that was frequently connected to their social settings and unstable financial situations.  The financial strain of substance abuse exacerbates the cycle of poverty and addiction by leading to worse newborn outcomes and increased maternal hospital costs. Therefore, lowering pregnant women’s substance use and enhancing maternal and newborn health outcomes depend heavily on addressing income disparities (Kuo et al., 2017). Another study found that women with lower levels of education used kola nuts far more frequently. Compared to women with higher levels of education, the higher rates among those with less education may be the result of their inadequate understanding of foods that are safe to eat during pregnancy. It might also be a reflection of the low socioeconomic standing of less educated women who would not have the money to visit PHCs and TBA clinics for treatment of symptoms like nausea and vomiting, which would lead to a greater use of kolanut in these facilities (Atiba et al., 2023).

Place of residence

Substance use among pregnant women is strongly influenced by where they live, with major differences between rural and urban populations. Pregnant women in rural areas are 8.4 times more likely to report illicit opiate use than their urban counterparts, and studies show that they also have higher rates of injectable drug use, illicit opiate use, and polysubstance use (Shannon et al., 2010). According to Jumah (2016), rural women frequently encounter particular difficulties, like restricted access to healthcare and treatment programs, which might worsen substance use disorders. In contrast, pregnant women in metropolitan areas are more likely to perceive that their prenatal care is insufficient (Miller et al., 2023). Living in a rural or regional area is linked to increased alcohol use during pregnancy because these women are less likely to have access to specialized obstetric hospitals and treatment programs, which affects their general health and involvement in prenatal care. (Burns et al., 2011)
Lack of awareness

Drug and substance usage during pregnancy is greatly influenced by a lack of knowledge, which can have negative health effects on both the mothers and the fetuses. Evidence shows that most pregnant women are unaware of how drugs and other substances affect the health of the fetus; for example, in one study, nearly 91% of participants were unaware of the effects of drugs on the fetus (Banzal et al., 2017). Additionally, 59.2% of pregnant women are not aware of the possible health concerns associated with endocrine-disrupting substances (Okman & Yalçın, 2024). The problem is made worse by the stigma and fear of legal consequences that prevent substance-using women from getting the help they need (Stone, 2015). To mitigate these risks and promote safer behaviors among expectant mothers, it is essential to raise awareness through targeted public health campaigns.

Stress

Stress is one of the major factors in substance use among pregnant women, emphasizing the link between substance use and psychological discomfort. High levels of stress during pregnancy are linked to higher odds of antenatal substance use, such as alcohol and tobacco, especially for mothers who were born in the United States as opposed to those who were born abroad (Surkan, 2022). Serious psychological distress (SPD) has also been associated with increased substance use frequency and quantity; pregnant women with SPD report substantially more days of alcohol, cannabis, and tobacco use (David et al., 2023). Stressors before and after childbirth might worsen drug use problems, as evidenced by the fact that negative childhood experiences and recent stressful life events have been demonstrated to increase postpartum substance use rates (Stewart et al., 2023). Stress and drug use may interact in a complex way during the perinatal period, as longitudinal studies show that although stress may decline throughout pregnancy, it frequently resurfaces after delivery, correlating with an increase in substance use (Wu et al., 2021). Therefore, interventions aimed at reducing stress may be essential in reducing pregnant women’s risks of substance use.

Limited access to health care/Societal Stigma      

Social stigma has a significant influence on pregnant women’s substance use since it makes treatment difficult and makes them feel alone and unworthy. Self-efficacy and the conviction that these women should receive care are undermined by stigmatization, which frequently results in the idea that addiction is a moral failing rather than a medical condition (Shank et al., 2024). According to Wolfson et al. (2021), societal stigma affects substance use among pregnant women by erecting obstacles at the individual, interpersonal, institutional, and population levels. These obstacles lead to feelings of fear, shame, guilt, and mistrust of services, as well as the perpetuation of negative stereotypes and high organizational expectations. These factors ultimately make it difficult for pregnant women to receive the necessary treatment support and cause underreporting of substance misuse. As a result, many pregnant women who struggle with substance use disorders might delay getting treatment, which could worsen their diseases and put them and their unborn children at greater risk (Stephenson et al., 2024).

Substance-using mothers are stigmatized by cultural attitudes that frequently blame them for birth abnormalities while ignoring paternal involvement. This prejudice affects how these women are supported and how treatment is perceived in society, which feeds into unfavorable stereotypes (Babcock, 2008). The problem is further exacerbated by the stigma attached to substance use during pregnancy, which frequently causes women to withdraw and put off getting the help they need.  (Stone, 2015). Pregnancy interventions against alcohol use are made more difficult by cultural beliefs that strongly influence substance use among pregnant women by ingraining alcohol consumption into daily routines, encouraging the idea that homemade alcohol is harmless, and creating drinking-supporting social norms (Pati et al., 2018).

Adverse effects of drug and substance use

Drug and substance use during pregnancy has serious and complex negative impacts on the health of the mother and the fetus. Preterm birth, low birth weight, and neonatal abstinence syndrome are among the serious consequences that can result from substance use disorders (SUDs), which are common during pregnancy. Significant rates of alcohol, nicotine, and opiate use have been documented (El-Nahas & Thibaut, 2023). Pregnancy-related physiological changes may change how drugs are metabolized, raising the chance of developing life-threatening disorders such maternal dysrhythmias and placental abruption for both the mother and the fetus (Barry et al., 2021). Additionally, the increase in pregnancy-associated deaths linked to drug use highlights the pressing need for efficient screening and intervention methods (El-Nahas & Thibaut, 2023).  Neurocognitive and behavioral problems are among the long-term effects of substance exposure in utero for infants, which calls for a multidisciplinary approach to care that takes into account both substance use and mental health approach to care that takes into account both substance use and mental health approach to care that takes into account both substance use and mental health (El-Nahas & Thibaut, 2023;Barry et al., 2021).

Measures towards reducing drug and substance use among pregnant women

A multidimensional strategy including screening, behavioral interventions, and specialized treatment choices is used to prevent drug and substance use among pregnant women. Various guidelines promote screening and counseling as crucial techniques to detect and treat substance use in pregnant women. They emphasize the importance of integrated care approaches to address mental health and substance use disorders (Prince & Ayers, 2023).  In addition to providing brief therapies, such as motivational interviewing and cognitive behavioral therapy, to address alcohol and drug dependence, healthcare practitioners are urged to regularly screen for substance use during prenatal visits using approved tools (Ordean et al., 2017). Research indicates that behavior modification strategies including social support and action planning, can successfully lower alcohol intake during pregnancy (Fergie et al., 2019). Moreover, opioid-dependent pregnant women should be treated with opioid agonists such as buprenorphine or methadone, and tobacco users should be provided with smoking cessation therapies and psychosocial support (Ordean et al., 2017).

 Discussion of key issues

The problem of substance use in pregnant women is complex and influenced by several interconnected factors. Women with less education are frequently unaware of the serious risks drugs pose to fetal development, such as birth abnormalities and developmental delays and their degree of education is important. A general lack of knowledge or information exacerbates this issue; many pregnant women wrongly think that occasional drug or alcohol use is harmless, while others are ignorant of the available support options. Additional obstacles are brought about by societal stigma, as women are deterred from seeking help and continue to use drugs due to fear of criticism from medical professionals or legal consequences like losing custody of their children.

Geographical location also plays an important role because a woman’s residence may either increase her exposure to drugs or restrict her access to treatment; for instance, urban regions may have greater drug availability, but rural areas typically lack specialized rehabilitation centers. Limited access to healthcare exacerbates the issue, as many expecting moms miss out on crucial opportunities for early intervention due to financial constraints, transportation issues, or just a lack of addiction treatment programs that are customized to meet their specific needs.  Economic issues such as low income and unemployment can cause more stress, which can subsequently trigger drug usage as a coping mechanism. However, even women who work in low-paying, high-stress jobs may turn to drugs as a coping strategy.  Pregnancy-related substance use is a chronic public health concern that calls for all-encompassing, multidimensional solutions that close the knowledge gap, lessen stigma, increase access to healthcare, offer financial assistance, and include partners in the healing process.  Drug use by a spouse or partner may be one of the most significant variables as it can normalize substance use in the family and put pressure on others to continue engaging in addictive behaviors.  Women who have substance-using partners frequently have more difficulty quitting, particularly if their partners don’t support their efforts to stay sober.  If these problems are not addressed, there may be detrimental effects on the mother’s and the child’s health as well as their future well being

Conclusion

Drug and substance use among pregnant women in Nigeria is a multifaceted issue influenced by sociocultural, economic, and systemic factors, requiring a coordinated response from government agencies, healthcare providers, community leaders, NGOs, families, and the media. Effective strategies must include stigma reduction through community education, poverty alleviation via economic empowerment, culturally sensitive health interventions, improved antenatal care with substance abuse screening, and stronger policies regulating harmful substances while protecting vulnerable women. Sustainable progress hinges on collaborative efforts, adequate funding, and tailored programs that respect local traditions, with a recommended national task force ensuring unified action and long-term impact on maternal and child health outcomes.

Recommendation

Based on the paper the following recommendations were made

• The National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) ought to regulate the dangerous drugs and herbal concoctions sold to expectant mothers.
• Policies (such as subsidized cost of antenatal care) which protect expectant mothers from substance-related damage should be promoted by the Ministry of Women Affairs & Social Development.
• Medical professionals should educate pregnant women about the dangers of substance use and screen them for substance use. Some women overcome these challenges by building resilience through positive self-identities and support systems, underscoring the need for trauma-informed care approaches that prioritize compassion and empathy.
• Mental health specialists ought to provide pregnant women who use substances with addiction treatment, counseling, and psychosocial support.
• Traditional authorities, religious leaders, and faith-based organizations ought to speak out against harmful cultural behaviors (such using kola nuts during pregnancy) and stigmatization. They can also encourage assistance for women who are affected.
• Door-to-door awareness campaigns should be carried out by Community Health Workers (CHWs) to provide pregnant women with sufficient information regarding the negative consequences of drug and substance use.
• Husbands and other family members should refrain from encouraging substance abuse and provide emotional support to expectant mothers.
• Future healthcare professionals should receive training on managing maternal addiction from medical and nursing schools.

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Citation

Ezeme, P. E., & Ohabuenyi, J. (2026). The Comparative Assessment of Nigerian and Ugandan Gender Policies. International Journal of Research, 13(4), 196–208. https://doi.org/10.26643/ijr/edupub/14

¹Ezeme, Paulinus Ejiofor

Department of Political Science,

Faculty of the Social Sciences,

University of Nigeria, Nsukka

Email: paulinus.ezeme@unn.edu.ng

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0005-3638-7360

^2**Jonas Ohabuenyi**

Department of Political Science, Faculty of the Social Sciences,

University of Nigeria, Nsukka

Email: jonas.ohabuenyi@unn.edu.ng

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0003-3614-7864

Corresponding author***

Abstract
Since women’s rights and participation are impacted by historical, societal, legal, and institutional issues, gender equality is a significant issue in both Nigeria and Uganda. The changes in gender policy in Nigeria and Uganda are examined in this essay. Comparing the efficacy of gender laws in the two nations, identifying obstacles to their full implementation, and making policy recommendations for enhancing gender parity were the goals. The study uses a doctrinal research strategy, which includes a thorough examination of international frameworks, state policies, and legal documents pertaining to gender equality in Nigeria and Uganda. The results demonstrate how the legal systems in Uganda and Nigeria have significantly improved gender equality. However, it will be challenging to successfully apply these laws due to social opposition, a lack of finance, insufficient institutional ability, and unpredictable political will. The study comes to the conclusion that, despite advancements, legislation pertaining to gender equality can occasionally be challenging to implement due to societal biases, a lack of political will, and a lack of funding. The study suggests, among other things, improving the competence of institutions in charge of carrying out gender policy and fortifying institutional frameworks.

Keywords: Comparative Assessment, Gender Policies, Institutional Structures, Legal Frameworks, Socio-Cultural

Introduction

            In many facets of society, such as economic empowerment, educational access, and violence prevention, gender policies are essential for creating equal opportunities and protections. Smith and Sinkford (2022) argue that promoting gender equality is not only a legal or economic necessity but also requires altering deeply rooted social norms, creating inclusive institutional structures, and changing policy frameworks in order to acknowledge and address the particular difficulties faced by women and gender minorities. Two African nations with distinct historical trajectories and complex social dynamics—Nigeria and Uganda—make compelling arguments for examining gender policy reform projects throughout the continent. This study aims to identify barriers and practical solutions for achieving gender equality by comparing and contrasting their approaches, offering knowledge pertinent not just to these two countries but also to the greater African context.Gender inequality is a major barrier to social progress in Uganda and Nigeria, impacting development, human rights, and overall societal well-being. Despite efforts to address these issues, cultural, economic, and political constraints have impeded the implementation and effectiveness of gender programs (Hervías Parejo & Radulović, 2023). Gender roles and actions in Uganda and Nigeria now are greatly influenced by past occurrences. For example, indigenous gender relations were changed and patriarchal norms were often reinforced by colonial laws and social institutions that privileged men’s access to formal employment, education, and leadership roles (Ajibade et al., 2020). The strengthening of regional and religious divisions brought forth by British colonial authority had distinct effects on gender roles in Nigeria’s North and South (Olonade et al., 2021). However, Uganda’s colonial experience under British rule resulted in unique social and economic policies that specifically changed the roles of men and women in politics and the economy (Sseremba, 2023). Women’s social standing, access to resources, and capacity for decision-making were all impacted by a number of firmly embedded gender norms, notwithstanding post-colonial efforts to bridge these gaps.Both Uganda and Nigeria have made strides toward enacting laws and policies that promote gender equality. For instance, according to UN Women (2021), Uganda’s Constitution recognises women’s rights and has several provisions, such as affirmative action programs to increase the representation of women in politics. Nigeria’s National Gender Policy (NGP) places a strong focus on women’s rights, political participation, and the eradication of gender-based violence (Okunade et al., 2023). However, the effectiveness of these tactics varies widely due to differences in political will, cultural resistance, and financial allocation. Nigerian implementation gaps are sometimes brought about by differences in how policies are carried out in various states, primarily because of the influence of customs and religion (Adenekan, 2022). Although Uganda is more progressive in certain ways, there are still problems with implementation, especially in rural areas where traditional ideas may clash with gender norms (UN Women, 2021). Gender legislation is still difficult to change, despite significant progress in both countries.

Frameworks and Initiatives for National Policy

Nigeria

The gender equality policies in Nigeria are the outcome of intricate relationships between regional differences, cultural norms, and legislative frameworks. Nigeria has passed important legislation to combat gender-based violence and advance gender equality, but the country’s diverse ethnic and religious terrain makes it difficult to completely achieve these objectives. Initiatives to advance gender parity include the following:
The historic Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act (2015) seeks to end all forms of violence against women, including female genital mutilation, sexual harassment, and domestic abuse. The Act offers survivors legal protection and forbids harmful behaviours like forced marriage and spousal abuse. Nigeria, like Uganda, finds it difficult to put this law into effect, especially in areas where its goals clash with regional traditions and religious beliefs.
By encouraging female education, economic involvement, and protection against gender-based violence, Nigeria’s National Gender Policy aims to lessen gender inequities. Maternal mortality, gender-based violence, and the under-representation of women in government are some of the challenges that the strategy aims to address. Despite the policy’s broad goals, there are geographical differences in women’s access to healthcare, education, and employment prospects due to its uneven implementation. Gender initiatives encounter strong opposition in northern Nigeria, where traditional cultural and religious beliefs may restrict women’s rights (Olonade et al., 2021).

Uganda

Uganda has made great progress in passing legislation that protects women’s rights, prevents gender-based violence, and grants access to healthcare and education. The country’s national policy frameworks aim to promote gender parity and protect women’s rights, but there are still barriers to their effective execution and the achievement of measurable outcomes for women. The following is a list of the operational frameworks.

The Domestic Violence Act (2010) is a significant piece of legislation in Uganda that addresses financial, psychological, and physical abuse in homes (Ahimbisibwe, 2023). It provides victims of domestic abuse with legal protection in addition to safety measures like shelters and legal aid. However, enforcing the Act has been challenging due to a lack of funds, inadequate training for law enforcement officers, and persistent cultural ideas that normalise violence against women.
According to Mukasa et al. (2024), Uganda’s Gender Policy was developed to address gender inequities and promote gender equity in areas like education, health, employment, and political involvement. The policy encourages the creation of gender-sensitive programs and activities in order to empower women and give them equal opportunity. For instance, the policy emphasises the importance of women’s participation in leadership and decision-making processes, as well as their access to financial resources and healthcare.

The 1995 Ugandan Constitution, which gives equal rights to all persons, including special protections for women, enshrines gender equality. The Constitution mandates that men and women have equal opportunities in all spheres of life, including employment, education, and political participation. This legislative framework serves as the foundation for numerous gender-sensitive government programs and is crucial to the advancement of gender equality. The Constitution is reformist, but because of deeply ingrained sociocultural practices and viewpoints that still marginalise women, its implementation has proven challenging.

Frameworks for Law and Policy Encouraging Gender Equality

            One important piece of Nigerian legislation that supports equal rights and aims to stop discriminatory practices against women is the National Gender Policy (2006), which has been revised to the National Gender Policy 2021-2026. Aspects of women’s rights covered by this policy include their access to economic opportunities, healthcare, education, and decision-making (Ayamba et al., 2024). By prohibiting violent actions like female genital mutilation, domestic violence, and the destruction of widowhood customs, the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act (2015) further promotes gender equity (The National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons [NAPTIP], 2022). However, poor enforcement procedures and uneven state-by-state implementation frequently undermine the efficacy of these legislation.A strong legal basis for gender equality in Uganda is provided by the 1995 Ugandan Constitution, which ensures equal rights for men and women in a number of areas of life, including employment, education, and political involvement (Ndagire, 2022). Another important piece of legislation that attempts to shield people from gender-based violence is the Domestic Violence Act (2010), which forbids domestic abuse and establishes victim support programs. Despite the progressive legislative framework, Bauer (2021) pointed out that societal beliefs that normalise gender inequity and violence against women, especially in rural regions, frequently impede the execution of these laws.

Opportunities for Economic Growth and Education

            In order to advance gender equality, economic growth and education are crucial. Economic opportunities guarantee that women can become financially independent and actively engage in society, while access to education allows them to raise their social and economic standing. The Ugandan Ministry of Education and Sports (2015) reports that female enrolment in basic and secondary schools has significantly improved and that there is gender parity in elementary education. Teenage pregnancy, child marriage, and cultural beliefs that value boys’ education over girls’ are barriers that prevent women from pursuing an education (UNICEF, 2015). Furthermore, many women still do not have access to higher education, particularly in rural areas. More focused efforts are required to reduce gender-specific educational barriers, even though programs like Universal Secondary Education (USE) and Universal Primary Education (UPE) have shown promise.Barriers like early marriage, poverty, and gender-based violence continue to prevent girls from attending school despite the Nigerian government’s efforts to improve girls’ education, especially through programs like the Girls’ Education Programme Phase 3 (GEP3) (Egberi & Madubueze, 2023). Additionally, women’s access to credit, financial resources, and land ownership is restricted, particularly in rural areas, which limits their economic potential (Udoh, 2024). Gender discrimination and a lack of support for work-life balance further hinder women’s involvement in the formal employment market.

Gender-Based Violence

            In both Nigeria and Uganda, gender-based violence (GBV) is a major obstacle to attaining gender equality. According to O’Mullan et al. (2024), gender inequality and power disparities are the main causes of GBV, which disproportionately affects women and girls. The goal of Uganda’s 2010 Domestic Violence Act is to shield women and children from emotional, sexual, and physical abuse (Amegbor & Pascoe, 2021). GBV is nevertheless common despite this legal framework, and survivors have little access to support services, especially in rural regions (Anguzu et al., 2022). Women find it challenging to pursue justice due to societal beliefs that favour violence against women as well as inadequate law enforcement and support networks.Among the most common types of gender-based violence in Nigeria include child marriage, female genital mutilation, and domestic abuse (United Nations, 2020). By giving victims legal protection and punishing criminals, the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act (2015) aims to solve these problems. However, Mshelia (2021) noted that enduring obstacles to implementation include deeply ingrained patriarchal practices, a lack of public awareness, and inadequate legislative enforcement. Furthermore, because of cultural taboo, GBV is frequently underreported, and survivors frequently struggle to access mental and legal support.

Thinking About Uganda’s and Nigeria’s Gender Policy Reforms

            The challenging process of changing gender policy in Nigeria and Uganda must include the removal of long-standing institutional, legal, and societal barriers to gender equality. In addition to enacting new laws, this reform aims to create an atmosphere that promotes significant social, political, and economic change. Therefore, a comprehensive approach to reforming gender policy is required, considering the connections between legislative frameworks, societal norms, and women’s involvement in governance (Okunade et al., 2023; Vijeyarasa, 2021). This section looks at the legal and regulatory frameworks, women’s rights and participation, gender-based violence (GBV), access to economic and educational opportunities, and inclusive governance structures—all of which are essential to the reform process in both nations.

Structures of Inclusive Governance

            In order to achieve gender equality, inclusive governance is essential since it ensures that women’s opinions are heard during decision-making processes. According to the United Nations Development Programme, UNDP (2022), the Ugandan Equal Opportunities Commission works to ensure that men and women have equal access to opportunities and resources and has helped close gender inequalities in a variety of areas. However, women continue to be under-represented in the executive, judicial, and local branches of high-level government. To promote gender-inclusive governance, more work is needed to ensure that women have a meaningful voice in policy decisions and to increase the representation of women in important jobs.Affirmative action laws have considerably improved women’s political representation in Nigeria, although they are still under-represented in high-level positions, particularly in local government and traditional leadership roles. Gender-inclusive governance institutions must not only promote women’s participation but also provide an environment where women can reach their leadership potential without fear of discrimination or violence (World Health Organization, 2017).

Engagement in Women’s Rights and Governance

            Improving women’s rights and involvement in governance is a crucial part of changing gender policy. To guarantee that policies represent their needs and viewpoints, women must participate in decision-making processes at all levels. The Ugandan Constitution guarantees women a direct say in the legislative process by assigning them seats in the Ugandan Parliament (Muzee, 2023). Although the number of women in political office has increased since affirmative action was implemented, gender stereotypes and cultural norms still prevent women from assuming leadership positions (Chemutai & Mulyampiti, 2023). Lack of funding and strongly ingrained patriarchal ideas that support male leadership further limit women’s access to leadership roles in political parties and other public roles.Nigeria has seen notable advancements in the representation of women in politics, including female legislators, governors, and ministers. The Beijing Platform for Action and other international commitments have established a target for their representation, but it still falls short. Agbalajobi (2021) claims that institutional and cultural barriers that keep women from fully engaging in politics include intimidation, gender-based violence, and political parties’ preference for male candidates. The problem is made worse by the underfunding of women’s political campaigns. Quota systems and affirmative action, two policies that support gender equality in government, have not been successful in removing these obstacles (Adigun Yusuf, 2024).

The Global Legal Structure for Reforming Gender Policy

The global  legal frameworks are essential for promoting gender equality and directing nations to enact laws, regulations, and policies that protect women’s rights. These frameworks hold nations responsible for their pledges and create a global consensus on what gender equality and women’s empowerment entail. Uganda and Nigeria have accepted a number of international agreements aiming at advancing gender equality, but they differ in terms of compliance and how well they are carried out. The main international frameworks that guide the reform of gender policy are listed below.

            Often called the “international bill of rights for women,” the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) is the cornerstone of international efforts to abolish gender discrimination (Gouri, 2021). Adopted by the UN in 1979, CEDAW requires member governments to take all necessary steps to end discrimination against women in all spheres of life, including public participation, work, education, and healthcare. Nigeria and Uganda have both signed CEDAW, pledging to respect its tenets. The degree to which these nations have integrated the provisions of CEDAW into their own legal frameworks differs, nevertheless. With the passage of the Equal Opportunities Commission Act (2007), which attempts to eliminate gender disparity in a number of areas, Uganda has achieved notable progress (Jackline, 2024). However, there are still difficulties in putting CEDAW’s tenets into reality. The effective implementation of CEDAW is nevertheless hampered by sociocultural norms and deeply ingrained gender prejudices, especially in rural areas where conventional gender roles predominate (Nalule, 2022). Although CEDAW’s goals are reflected in Nigeria’s National Gender Policy and other legislative frameworks, such the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act (2015), gender discrimination is still widespread in both law and practice. The full implementation of CEDAW’s provisions is hampered, for example, by the non-ratification of the Violence Against Women Bill and the inconsistent application of gender-related laws among states.Twelve crucial areas of concern, including women’s health, education, economic empowerment, and political engagement, were identified in the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, which was endorsed during the Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995 (Gondal et al., 2023). This proclamation highlights the necessity for nations to develop thorough and well-thought-out programs to tackle the difficulties women encounter in these domains. It also emphasises how crucial it is to create a social and legal climate that allows women to reach their full potential in all facets of life. Nigeria and Uganda have both committed to the Beijing Platform, but their execution of its objectives has been uneven. The government of Uganda has made some headway in expanding women’s access to healthcare and education. However, problems including high rates of maternal death, gender-based violence, and the lack of economic prospects for women in the unorganised sector continue to be major obstacles (Tetui et al., 2024).Nigeria’s gender-related policies, especially those aimed at increasing female political involvement, have been influenced by the Beijing Platform. One notable accomplishment is the employment of women to key administrative positions. However, cultural barriers, religious prohibitions, and deeply embedded patriarchal structures continue to limit women’s participation in politics and other decision-making processes (Alokwu, et al., 2024). Despite these challenges, programs like the National Policy on Women’s Empowerment aim to increase women’s responsibilities in the political and economic spheres.In order to solve global concerns and advance sustainable development by 2030, the United Nations established the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015. Goal 5, which emphasises gender equality and women’s empowerment, calls for the eradication of all forms of violence, discrimination, and harmful practices against women and girls while ensuring their full participation in public, political, and economic life. As signatories to the SDGs, Uganda and Nigeria have pledged to accomplish Goal 5 as well as other associated objectives such expanding women’s access to economic, healthcare, and educational opportunities (Jackline, 2024; Egberi & Madubueze, 2023). In Uganda, women’s political representation and literacy rates have significantly improved. The government has also started programs to promote women’s economic development and reduce maternal mortality. However, problems such limited financial resources, gender-based violence, and inadequate access to reproductive healthcare persist (Mambo et al., 2023).Nigeria, on the other hand, has made some progress toward SDG 5, particularly in the areas of female education. However, the country has serious issues like economic inequality that disproportionately impacts women, especially in the northern regions, gender-based violence, and cultural practices such child marriage (United Nations, 2020). Nigeria has committed to several international frameworks, including the SDGs, however implementation is patchy and monitoring systems are often insufficient.

Conclusion

            The implementation, difficulties, and effects of international legal frameworks for gender reforms have been highlighted by this study’s analysis of the gender policy frameworks in Nigeria and Uganda. According to the study, both nations have made great progress in enacting gender policies that uphold women’s rights and advance equality, but they still have a long way to go before reaching complete gender parity. However, cultural resistance, a lack of funding, and insufficient institutional ability hinder the implementation of laws such as the Gender Policy and the Domestic Violence Act, as well as Uganda’s constitutional provisions of gender equality. Enforcing national gender laws such as the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act and the National Gender Policy is more difficult in Nigeria due to its ethnic, religious, and regional diversity. Although these laws seek to safeguard women from gender-based violence and advance their rights, their implementation varies by region, especially in places where cultural and religious traditions clash with the goals of gender equality.Stronger institutional backing, improved legal enforcement, and a cultural movement toward gender equality are all necessary for effective gender policy reform in both nations. To guarantee that women may fully utilise their rights and opportunities, there must also be consistent political will and sufficient resources for gender programs. Governments, the general public, and international partners must work together to foster an environment that supports women’s inclusion and empowerment in order to overcome these obstacles.

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Ajah, B. O. (2026). Cultural Syncretism and Crime: Exploring the Blending of Igbo             Practices and Modern Criminality in Uganda. Journal of Somali Studies (JOSS), 13(1), 1-         25.

Ajah, B. O., & Magadze, T. O. (2026). State Failure and the Rise of Organised Crime: A Case            Study of Governance Gaps in Nigeria. African Renaissance, 23(1), 123-144.

Ajah, B. O., & Magadze, T. O. (2026). Combating Transnational Crime: Evaluating the Role of      ECOWAS in West African Security Architecture. An-Najah University Journal for      Research – B Humanities, 40(2), 1-15.

Ajah, B. O., Onyejegbu, C. O., Isife, C. T., Enweonwu, O. A., Chinweze, C. C., Anyadike, N.   K., Ilo, K. O., Omaliko, J. C., Asadu, N., Ugwu, C. C. O., Okemini, O. O., Leweanya, K.        C., Ohabuenyi, J., Uzoigwe, O. U., Iloma, O., Madubuko, J. C., & Ngwu, G. E. (2026).           Narrative accounts, feelings, and perceptions of yahoo-plus offenders in Enugu and   Abakaliki correctional centers, Nigeria. International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice,   84, 1-12. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijlcj.2025.100823

Ajah, B.O., Akwaji, F. N., Ogenyi, F., Nwonovo O. S., Antai, G. O., Shigaba, D. G., Onyejegbu,     D. C., Chinweze, U. C., & Ngwu, G. E. (2025). An Evaluation of the Jurisprudential            Impact of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 on the Implementation of            Restorative Justice Practices in Enugu State, Nigeria. African Journal of Law and Justice    System (AJLJS), 4(2), 79-103.

Ajah, B. O., Obioha, E. E. Obioha, O. O., & Onyejegbu, D. C. (2025). The Cost of Insecurity:       How Terrorism Shapes Africa’s Economic Relations with Global Powers. Journal of      African Foreign Affairs (JoAFA), 12(2), 49-68.

Ajah, B. O., Morojele, R., Phokojoe, M., Thabane, S., Mundau, M., & Matele, M. J. (2025).            Strengthening Nation-Building in Nigeria Through Gender-Inclusive Health and Crime        Policies. Journal of Nation-building & Policy Studies (JoNPS), 9(2), 49-63.

Perbawa, K. S. L. P., Aidonojie, P. A., Ajah, B. O. (2025). Disability and electoral justice for        inclusive participation. Journal of Sustainable Development and Regulatory Issues, 3(2),          221-246. DOI: https://doi.org/10.53955/jsderi.v3i2.93

Ajah, B. O., Akwaji, F. N.,  Ossai, A., Ajah, M. C., Uzoigwe, C. O., Damina, J. J., Ugwu, I. P.,     Nzewi, N. L., Chinweze, U. C. (2025). Potential strategies of using virtual and       augmented realities in Nigeria’s conflict resolution and interfaith dialogue. African        Journal of Religion, Philosophy and Culture (AJRPC), 6(2), 157-175. DOI:            https://doi.org/10.31920/2634-7644/2025/v6n2a9

Ajah, B.O., Okpa, J. T., Eneji, R. I., Morojele, R., Asomba, I. U.,  Nwonovo, O. S., Ajah, M. C.,    Igwe, O., & Nweke, I. O. (2025). Incorporating Igbo Dialects into the             Rehabilitation and Reintegration of Inmates in Nigeria’s Correctional Centres. Journal of        African Dialects and Literary Studies (JoALLS), 6(1), 5-12.  DOI             https://doi.org/10.31920/2633-2116/2025/v6n1a1

Ilo, K.O., Ekwok, I. C., U. T. O., Ajah, B. O., Uzoigwe, C. O., Omaliko, C. J., Ukam, P. I., &            Isife, T. C. (2025).  How a Digital Repository Platform Can Be Used In the   Administration of Awaiting Trial Issues in Uganda. Journal of Somali Studies (JoSS),            12(1), 171-186.  DOI: https://doi.org/10.31920/2056-5682/2025/v12n1a8

Ajah, B. O., Obioha, E.E., Thaban, S., & Ogbuke, M. U. (2025). Exploring the Place of 4ir in   Preventing and Addressing Ethnoreligious Conflict in Nigeria. Parkistan Journal of        Criminology, 17(2), 61-75. https://doi.org/10.62271/pjc.172.61.75  

Onah, C. C., Chekwube, O. M., Okechukwu, E., Olorunfemi, G. C., Asogwa, ,M. O., Ejim, E. P.,      Ajah, B. O., Oluwasanmi, O. I. (2024).  Poverty and human capital development:          The role of politico-administrative factors in a failed/fragile state, Nigeria.           Journal of Somali Studies (JoSS), 11(3), 69-94.

Antai, G. O., Ajah, B. O., Onyejegbu, D. C., Nwonovo, O. S., Enweonwu, O. A., & Agwano, D.     E. (2024). An Examination of the African Response to International Crimes and      Extradition vis-à-vis Inter-Regional Cooperation. African Journal of Law and Justice          System (AJLJS), 3(2), 5-24.

Obasi C. O., Igbo, P., Onyenali, R., Enweonwu, O. A., Onyejegbu, D. C., Isife, C. T., Nwonovo,       O. S., & Ajah, B. O. (2024). Religion and Legitimization of Violence in Nigeria:       Towards Peace Education. African Journal of Religion, Philosophy and Culture            (AJRPC), 5(2), 133-150. DOI: https://doi.org/10.31920/2634-7644/2024/v5n2a8

Ajah, B. O., Ekwok, I. C., Akwaji, F. N., Onyejegbu, D. C., Nwonovo, O. S., Isife, C. T.,        Nwangwu, C. N., Agwanwo, D. E., & Umahi, O. T. (2024). Assessing the Role of the      African Union in Addressing Democratic Recession in Africa. Journal of African Union        Studies (JoAUS).

Osadebe, N. O., Ajah, B. O., Onyejegbu, D. C., Obumunaeme, I. K., Theresa, I. C., Chuwkuka,      U. C., Ohabuenyi, J., & Ugwu, C. C. O. (2024). Incorporating virtual reality and       augmented reality into the rehabilitation and re-empowerment of victims of Sudanese    political unrest. African Renaissance (AR), 21(4), 437-456.

Onyejegbu, D. C., Ajah, B.O., Ekwok, I. C., Obisessan, O. O., Uzoigwe, C. O., Isife, C.        T.,        Enweonwu, O. A., Okemini, O. O., & Eze, O. J. (2024). How Nollywood Can           Facilitate Criminal Justice Responses to Herdsmen Issues in Nigeria. Journal of African     films and Diaspora Studies (JAFDIS) (Research on African Films, Diaspora Studies,       Performance Arts and Communication Studies), 7(3), 291-306.

Chinweze, U. C., Ajah, B. O., Osadebe, N. O., Isife, C. T., Umahi, O. T., Enweonwu, O. A., Ogbodo, C. S., Chukwuanu, S. C., Aladokiye, E. G. (2024).
            Prospective Strategies for the use of Virtual and Augmented Realities by the Somali             Criminal Justice System in Bringing Al-Shabab Terrorists to Justice. Journal of Somali        Studies (JoSS), 11(2), 79-104.

Anierobi, C. M., Obasi, C. O., Nnamani, R. G., Ajah, B. O.,  Iloma, D. O.,  Efobi, K. O.,       Nwaoga, C., Asadu, N., Okonkwo, U. T.,  Chigbe, E. I. (2024). Communal conflicts in      Nigeria: Assessment of the impacts on internally displaced persons and settlements      amidst COVID-19 pandemic. Heliyon, 10(1), e30200.             https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2024.e30200

Eze, O.J., Onyejegbu, D.C., Chinweze, U.C., Nwokedi, M., Ajah, B.O., & Obi, D.O (2023).            Dark Figure: Traders’ Crime Reporting Behaviour in Enugu State, Nigeria. Journal of      African films and Diaspora Studies (JAFDIS) (Research on African Films, Diaspora         Studies, Performance Arts and Communication Studies), 6(4), 45-63.

Ugwuoke, C.O., *Ajah, B.O*., Akor, L., Ameh, S.O., Lanshima, C.A., Ngwu, C.E., Eze, U.A, &    Nwokedi, M. (2023). Violent Crimes and Insecurity on Nigerian Highways: A Tale of Travelers’ Trauma, Nightmares and State Slumber. HELIYON, HLY_e20489

Asogwa, U., Ajah, B. O., Okpa, J. T., Ugwu, I. P., Nnamani, R. G., & Okorie, A. (2023).        Examining the views and opinions of itinerary-traders on adherence to covid-19     lockdown in Enugu State, Nigeria.  Fudan Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences, 16, 1-24. doi: 10.1007/s40647-023-00376-y

Ezeanya, O.C.P., Ajah, B. O., Okpa, J.T., Chinweze, U. C., Onyejegbu, D.C., Enweonwu, O.        A., & Obiwulu, A. C. (2023). Elite complicity in the non-egalitarian structures,         occasioning violence and anarchy in the Nigerian State. African Renaissance, 20(1), 77-    92.

Okpa, J.T., Ugwuoke, C.U., Ajah, O. B*., Eshioste, E., Igbe, J. E., Ajor, O.J., Ofem, N.O.,            Eteng, M.J., & Nnamani, R.G. (2022). Cyberspace, black-hat hacking and economic       sustainability of corporate organizations in Cross-River State, Nigeria. SAGE OPEN.         10.1177/21582440221122739.

Okpa, J. T., Ajah, B. O., Nzeakor, O.F., Eshioste, E., & Abang, T.A. (2022). Business E-mail     compromise scam, cyber victimisation and economic sustainability of corporate organisations in Nigeria. Security Journal, 1-22. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41284-022-         00342-5

Iloma, D.O., Nnam, M. U., Effiong, J. E., Eteng, M. J., Okechukwu, G. P., & Ajah, B. O.           (2022). Exploring socio-demographic factors, avoiding being a victim and fear of crime    in a Nigerian university. Security Journal, 1-20. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41284-022-         00336-3

Ajah, B. O., Chinweze, U.C., Ajah, A.I., Onyejegbu, D.C., Obiwulu, A., Onwuama, E.M., &            Okpa, J. T. (2022). Behind bars but not sentenced: the role of computerized central          repository in addressing awaiting-trial problems in Ebonyi state, Nigeria. SAGE Open,       12(1). https://doi.org/10.1177/21582440221079822

Ajah, L.O., Ajah, M. I., Ajah, B. O., Onwe, E. O., Ozumba, B.C.,  Iyoke, C.A., & Nwankwo, T.C. (2022). A 20 Year retrospective review of rape pattern in Ebonyi State, South-East    Nigeria. Heliyon, 8, e08894. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2022.e08894

Ezeanya, O.C.P., Ajah, B. O., Ibenwa, C.N., Onuorah, C. & Eze, U. (2022). A critical analysis      of the impact of religion on the Nigerian struggle for nationhood. HTS Teologiese          Studies/Theological Studies, 78(4), a7225. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts. v78i4.7225.

Ajah, B. O., Nnam, M. U., Ajah, I. A., Idemili-Aronu, N., Chukwuemeka, O. D., & Agboti, C.   I. (2021). Investigating the awareness of virtual and augmented realities as a criminal        justice response to the plight of awaiting-trial inmates in Ebonyi State, Nigeria. Crime,    Law and Social Change, DOI:10.1007/s10611-021-09988-5.

Eze, O.J., Ajah, B. O., Nwonovo, O. S., & Atama, C.S. (2021). Health sector corruption and        COVID-19 outbreak: evidence from Anambra and Enugu States, Nigeria. Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 40(1), 34-46. DOI:10.1080/02589001.2021.1921129

Nnam, M.U., Effiong, J.E., Iloma, D.O., Terfa, I.M., & Ajah, B. O. (2021). Hazardous drinking and the dark triad: an antidote for manipulative behaviour among   students. Current Psychology, 40(4), 1-7.

Anthony, E.O., Obasi, C.O., Obi, D.O., Ajah, B. O., Okpan, O.S., Onyejegbu, C.D. et al.,           (2021). Exploring the reasons for perennial attacks on churches in Nigeria through the            victims’ perspective. HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies, 77(1), a6207.

Ezeanya, O. C. P. & Ajah, B. O. (2021). Addressing the biblical and ecclesial obligation of           Nigerian Roman-Catholic priests in promotion of peace and social justice. HTS Teologiese Studies/ Theological Studies, 77(4), a7138.        https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v77i4.7138

Nnamani, G. R., Ilo, K. O., Onyejegbu, D. C., Ajah, B. O., Onwuama, M. E., Obiwulu, A. C.,      & Nzeakor, O. F. (2021). Use of noncustodial measure and independent monitoring body        as panacea to awaiting-trial problems in Ebonyi State, Nigeria. International Journal of     Criminal Justice Sciences, 16(1), 51-63.

Ugwuoke, C. O., Ajah, B. O., & Onyejegbu, C. D. (2020). Developing patterns of violent        crimes in Nigerian democratic transitions. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 53, 1-8.

Ajah, B. O., Ajah, A.I., & Obasi, C. O. (2020). Application of virtual reality (VR) and augmented reality (AR) in the investigation and trial of herdsmen terrorism in Nigeria.      International Journal of Criminal Justice Sciences, 15(1), 1-20.

Okpa, J.T., Ajah, B. O., & Igbe, J. E. (2020). Rising trend of phishing attacks on corporate    organisations in Cross River State, Nigeria. International Journal of Cyber Criminology,           14(2), 460–478.

Ajah, B. O., Dinne, C.E., & Salami, K. K. (2020). Terrorism in contemporary Nigerian     society: conquest of Boko-Haram, myth or reality. International Journal of Criminal           Justice Sciences, 15(1), 312-324.

Eze, O. J., Obi, D. O., & Ajah, B. O. (2020). Nigerian criminal justice system and victims of   crime neglect in Enugu Urban. FWU Journal of Social Sciences 14(3), 41-53.

Ajah, B. O*, Uwakwe, E. E., Nwokeoma, B. N., Ugwuoke C. O., & Nnnamani, R. G. (2020).   Ameliorating the plight of awaiting-trial inmates in ebonyi state, nigeria through       reasonable bail condition.  Pertanika Jounal of Social Sciences & Humanities, 28(4),         2897 – 2911.

Areh, C. E., Onwuama, E. M., & Ajah, B. O. (2020). Social consequences of wife-battering in Ogbaru and Onitsha North Local Government Areas of Anambra State, Nigeria. FWU         Journal of Social Sciences, 14(4), 80-92.

Ajah, B. O., & Okpa, J. T. (2019). Digitization as a solution to the problem of awaiting-trial          inmates in Ebonyi State, Nigeria. International Journal of Criminal Justice Sciences, 14(2), 199–207.

Ajah, B. O., & Onyejegbu, D. C. (2019). Neo-economy and militating effects of Africa’s      profile on cybercrime. International Journal of Cyber Criminology, 13(2), 326–342.

Nnam, M. U., Ajah, B. O., Arua, C. C., Okechukwu, G., & Okorie, C. O. (2019). The war      must be sustained: an integrated theoretical perspective of the cyberspace-Boko Haram    terrorism nexus in Nigeria. International Journal of Cyber Criminology, 13(2), 379–395.

Ajah, B. O. (2018). Educational training of inmates in Awka and Abakaliki prisons, Nigeria.     International Journal of Criminal Justice Sciences, 13(2), 299–305.

Ajah, B. O., & Ugwuoke, C. O. (2018). Juvenile justice administration and child prisoners in             Nigeria. International Journal of Criminal Justice Sciences, 13(2), 438–446.

Enweonwu, O. A., Ugwu, I. P., Onyejegbu, D. C., Areh, C. E., & Ajah, B. O. (2021).        Religious fanaticism and changing patterns of violent Crime in Nigeria. International        Journal of Criminology and Sociology, 10, 1378–1389. https://doi.org/10.6000/1929-        4409.2021.10.158

Onyejegbu, D. C., Onwuama, E. M., Onah, C. I., Okpa, J. T., & Ajah, B. O. (2021).  Special        courts as Nigerian criminal justice response to the plight of awaiting trial inmates in       Ebonyi State, Nigeria. International Journal of Criminology and Sociology, 10, 1172-   1177. https://doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.136

Nwadike, N. C., Okpa, J. T., Ofem, N. O., Ajah, B. O., Chinweze, U. C., & Isife, C. T. (2023).           Socio-cultural practices and stress among working mothers of underage children in          Nigeria Public Universities. Rupkatha Journal on Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities,    15(3), 1-23.

Areh, C. E., Ajah, B. O., Ezeanya, O. C. P., Eze, A. U., Onwuchekwa, S. I., & Onyejegbu, C.        D. (2021). The Troubling Epidemic of Wife-Battering in Ogbaru and Onitsha North             Local Government Areas of Anambra State, Nigeria. International Journal of    Criminology and Sociology, 10, 1349-1361.

Nzeakor, O. F., Nwokeoma, B. N., Hassan, I. M., Ajah, B. O., & Okpa, J. T. (2022).        Emerging Trends in Cyber ends in Cybercrime A crime Awareness in Nigeria.      International Journal of Cybersecurity Intelligence & Cybercrime, 5(3), 41-67.

Onwuama, O. P., Ajah, O. B., Asadu, N., Ebimgbo, S. O., Odii, A., & Okpara, K. C (2019).         Public perception of police performance in crimes control in Anambra state of Nigeria.       African Journal of Law and Criminology, 9(1) 17-26.

Ajah, B. O., Eze, O. J., & Okpa, J. T. (2024). Reforming the Nigeria Criminal Justice System.       Rowman & Littlefield.

Eze, O.J., *Ajah, B.O.*, Okpa, J.T., Ngwu, G. E. (2023). Ethnic-based violence: Nigeria       perspectives. In: Martin, C., V. R. Preedy and V. B. Patel (Eds), Handbook of anger,           aggression, and violence. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98711- 4_182-2

Eze, J.O., Okpa, J.T., Onyejegbu, C.D., & *Ajah, B. O*. (2022). Cybercrime: victims’ shock         absorption mechanisms. UK: IntechOpen. doi: 10.5772/intechopen.106818.

Alawari, B. M., & Ajah, O. B. (2017). Understanding the gender dimensions of cyberbullying among           undergraduates in Nigeria. (A Book Chapter). Ahmadu Bello University Press Limited, Zaria.

Okpa, J. T., *Ajah, B. O*., Eze, O. J., & Enweonwu, O. A. (2022). Communal conflict and            violence: Causes and impact. In C. Martin, V. R. Preedy and V. B. Patel (eds) Handbook    of Anger, Aggression, and Violence. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-           98711-4_184-1

Sergey Tokarev on Generation H’s Third Season Opening to International Startups for the First Time

The Generation H accelerator programme, run by SET University and the Tokarev Foundation, has announced the launch of its third intake. For the first time in its history, this HealthTech accelerator, which specialises in medical technologies, has expanded the list of teams eligible to participate. Ukrainian startups based abroad that have an MVP or a product ready to scale within ten weeks can now join the programme. This was announced by Sergey Tokarev, founder of the Tokarev Foundation and co-founder of SET University.

What is known about the Generation H programme

Over the past two seasons, 30 projects have gone through the HealthTech accelerator, and the total amount of investment raised by its alumni has reached 11 million hryvnias. The startups have won competitions such as Google for Startups, IT Arena, and EIT Jumpstarter, entered European and American markets, and made it into the top 200 of the TechCrunch Startup Battlefield.

Among the graduates are:

• TAYRA.AI — an AI medical scribe that automatically structures doctors’ consultations
• M Shield — a drug that prevents the spread of metastases
• Ovul — an AI device for tracking fertility through saliva analysis

“In my opinion, the HealthTech sector offers the shortest path to making a real impact on quality of life. However, we need not only a high-quality product, but also an understanding of medical logic, regulatory frameworks, and decision-making cycles. That is why, unlike many other sectors, HealthTech cannot do without mentorship and acceleration,” says Sergey Tokarev.

According to the organisers, given current market dynamics, expanding internationally is a sound strategy: AI in healthcare is growing by 35–40% annually, and the global digital health sector has already surpassed $300 billion.

Programme participants can expect personalised mentoring, product crash tests, business model validation, workshops on entering international markets, individual matchmaking, and support with regulatory issues. Mentors include Eric Henry, Senior Counsel for FDA Compliance at King & Spalding; Fergus O’Dea, Vice President of Commercial Operations at FIRE1; Volodymyr Nerubenko, co-founder of Liki24 Foundation and TerraLab; and Alexa Sinyacheva, a Techstars mentor and co-founder of Moeco.

“One of the main reasons for launching Generation H was that the Ukrainian HealthTech sector was severely underestimated, and we needed to change that. Now we are testing whether it is possible to create a global hub for innovation in Ukraine. That is why, for the first time, we are expanding the programme to include Ukrainian startups based abroad,” adds Sergey Tokarev. Generation H will be held in a hybrid format. International participants can take part online. The grand prize is 650,000 hryvnias. Applications must be submitted by 24 May via the SET University website.